Sunday, July 15, 2018

Mueller’s Latest Indictment Ignores Evidence In The Public Domain

NOTE: There will likely be various amendments made to this article over the next 24 hours.
On July 13th, 2018, an indictment was filed by Special Counsel Robert Swan Mueller III.
This author is responding to the indictment because it features claims about Guccifer 2.0 that are inconsistent with what has been discovered about the persona, including the following:

The first piece of malware at the DNC identified by Crowdstrike as relating to “Fancy Bear,” was compiled on 25 April, 2016. This used a C2 (command and control) IP address that, for the purposes of the APT group, had been inoperable for over a year. It was useful mostly as a signature for attributing it to “Fancy Bear.”
Two additional pieces of malware were discovered at the DNC attributed to the same APT group. These were compiled on 5 May 2016 and 10 May 2016 while Robert Johnston was working with the DNC on CrowdStrike’s behalf to counter the intrusion reported at the end of April and install Falcon.
References to the evidence covering all of this are available in the article: “Fancy Fraud, Bogus Bears & Malware Mimicry“.
This could be inferred from a number of things. DCLeaks was re-registered on 19 April 2016, however, what they published included Republicans and individuals that were not connected to the DNC. In fact, DCLeaks didn’t start publishing anything relating to Clinton campaign staff until June/July 2016. There was also the fact that the daily frequency of emails in the DNC emails released by WikiLeaks increased dramatically from around 19 April 2016, however, this wasn’t indicative of the start of hacking activity but rather caused by a 30 day email retention policy combined with the fact that the emails were acquired between May 19th and May 25th.
There has been no technical evidence produced by those who had access to the DNC network demonstrating files were being manipulated or that malware was engaging in activity prior to this and by CrowdStrike’s own admissions, many of the devices at the DNC were wiped in June. As such, it’s unclear where this may have come from.
There’s an issue here with the conflation of Guccifer 2.0 and DCLeaks. Why would Guccifer 2.0 have had an account at DCLeaks with which he had restricted access and could only manage a subset of the leaks (and only those relating to the DNC) while DCLeaks featured leaks covering those unconnected to and even opposing the DNC?
It also appears there may have been an effort to have people perceive Guccifer 2.0 as being associated with someone that claimed to have root access to DCLeaks too, however, this could only be demonstrated through the use of multimedia props.
It makes no sense that the GRU would have even used Guccifer 2.0 in the manner we now know he operated – it only caused any harm to Trump and served to undermine leaks due to the deliberate placement of Russian metadata that would give a false perception of Russians mishandling those documents (including the Trump research document found in Podesta’s emails).
So, in fairness, there is actually circumstantial evidence to suggest an overlap as Guccifer 2.0 clearly had Podesta’s emails and it looks like the spearphishing attack used to snare Podesta’s emails was identical to one that was attributed to the acquisition of emails published by DCLeaks.
Is there a reason for ambiguity when referencing WikiLeaks?
While he clearly had access to the Podesta emails (NOTE: CrowdStrike decided to start investigating the NGP-VAN breach within a week of Podesta’s emails being acquired, three months after the December 2015 incident), Guccifer 2.0 used those materials to fabricate evidence on 15 June 2016 implicating Russians and which, coincidentally appeared to support (but ultimately helped refute) multiple assertions made by CrowdStrike that the Trump Opposition report (actually sourced from Podesta’s emails) was targeted by Guccifer 2.0 at the DNC in April 2016 – and that the theft of this specific file from the DNC – which, again, could not have been stolen from the DNC – had set off the “first alarm” indicating a security breach.
On 6 July 2016, Guccifer 2.0 released a batch of documents that were exclusively attachments to DNC emails that would later be released by WikiLeaks.
Guccifer 2.0 certainly didn’t make a genuine effort to “conceal a Russian identity,” far from it. The persona made decisions that would leave behind a demonstrable trail of Russian-themed breadcrumbs, examples include:
  • Choosing the Russian VPN Service (using the publicly accessible default server in France) in combination with a mail service provider that would forward the sender’s IP address.
  • Creating a blog and dropping a Russian emoticon in the second paragraph of the first post, something he only ever did one other time over months of activity (in which he used “:)” at a far higher frequency).
  • Tainting documents with Russian language metadata.
  • Going through considerable effort to ensure Russian language errors were in the first documents provided to the press.
  • Probable use of a VM set to Russian timezone while manipulating documents so that datastore objects with timestamps implying a Russian timezone setting are saved (in one of the documents, change tracking had been left on and recorded someone in a PST timezone saving one of Guccifer 2.0’s documents after the documents had being manipulated in the Russian timezones!)
  • The deliberate and inconsistent mangling of English language (which was actually inconsistent with aspects of English language that Russians typically struggle with).
  • Guccifer 2.0 claimed credit for a hack that was already being attributed to Russians without making any effort to counter that perception and only denied it when outright questioned on it.
How have these identities been connected to the respective GRU officers? This query applies to additional identities mentioned throughout the indictment.
Where have these pseudonyms been cited in any of the research or evidence published in the past two years? Most seem to be new and were never referenced by the firms specifically investigated the relevant phishing campaigns in the past.
Unfortunately, the indictment itself provides no reference for us to ascertain what the individual attributions are based on.
We already know “X-Agent” has been used by Ukrainian hackers and its source code has been in the wild since 2013, it’s entirely feasible others have acquired it’s source code too.
How do we know for sure Morgachev was developing a version of it and that this is related to the DNC?
Again, everything found on Google relating to “blablabla1234565” is in relation to the indictment, where were these details during the past 2 years, where have they come from and how has X-Agent development/monitoring been traced back to this individual?
It’s unlikely technical evidence of his testing was left behind in deployed malware.
Again, “Djangomagicdev” appears to be new.
There is a “realblatr” profile at https://djangopackages.org/profiles/realblatr/ but this doesn’t indicate anything relevant to this and other results for “realblatr” seem to be about the indictment.
We know that whoever had the Podesta emails had far more damaging content on Hillary than that produced by Guccifer 2.0 or DCLeaks and we know Guccifer 2.0 had access to Podesta’s emails. If it was the GRU and they wanted to harm Hillary, they had FAR better material do that with than what they chose to release.
DCLeaks featured leaks from those that were not involved in the US presidential election. Guccifer 2.0 only released content relating to the Democratic party and only content that was of little harm to the DNC leadership and Clinton’s campaign.
Yandex.com is the domain usually given to people outside of Russia that use the Yandex service, in Russia it’s yandex.ru by default.
This was something covered by Jeffrey Carr in “The Yandex Domain Problem“.
These started to appear in July, though it’s still unclear how/why it was these individuals responsible.

Wife of late UAW union official sentenced to 18 months in prison in federal financial investigation

Wife of late UAW union official sentenced to 18 months in prison in federal financial investigation

Wife of late UAW union official sentenced to 18 months in prison in federal financial investigation
Monica Morgan, the widow of a late UAW leader, was sentenced to prison Friday in a scandal over money that was meant to train scandal involving misuse of money meant to train Fiat Chrysler Automobiles workers. (Image source: YouTube screenshot) 
The wife of a late United Auto Workers union official was sentenced to 18 months in prison in connection with a a federal corruption investigation at a training center run by the union and automaker Fiat Chrysler Automobiles, according to published reports.

Anything else?

In addition to the prison term, Monica Morgan, 55, was sentenced Friday to a one-year supervised release and a $25,000 fine. She must also pay an additional $88,000 in restitution, and has paid about $102,000 to date, the Detroit Free Press reported.
In February, Morgan pleaded guilty to a tax charge for hiding $201,000 on her 2011 taxes. Other charges, including one alleging conspiracy, were dismissed in exchange for her plea, reports state.
Morgan acknowledged in plea documents that the money “came from criminal activity,” the Free Press reported.
Morgan is the widow of the late General Holiefield, a former UAW vice president. Authorities say he worked with former FCA Vice President Alphons Iacobelli in a scheme that misused $4.5 million. Iacobelli has pleaded guilty and faces up to 8 years in prison during sentencing scheduled for August.
The investigation also extends to several now-former FCA and UAW officials, according to the Free Press.
“The leadership of both FCA and the union have denied the case was indicative of widespread corruption, saying it was instead limited to a few bad actors,” the Free Press reported.

How did the organizations respond?

Following the sentencing, the UAW issued the following statement:
The misconduct of certain individuals in this case has been disturbing. Importantly, however, the wrongdoing did not involve union funds or affect our collective bargaining agreements. The UAW has taken strong measures to prevent a reoccurrence of this type of of misconduct and our new leadership team continues to oversee improvements in our operations and financial controls.
In previous statements, Sergio Marchionne, the CEO of FCA, has denied any wrongdoing by the company.
In contrast, prosecutors maintain that “the payoffs were aimed at influencing FCA-UAW contract negotiations in the company’s favor,” according to the report.
Morgan, a prominent Detroit-area photographer, had a “high-flying lifestyle” despite declaring an annual income of a little more than $5,400, Assistant U.S. Attorney David Gardey reportedly said.
The Detroit Free Press added: “He described first-class travel, said she spent tens of thousands of dollars, had helped funnel $325,000 to a fake hospice and still has access to $680,000. In addition, Gardey said about $80,000 in bogus photography courses had been set up to send money to her business.”
In contrast, Morgan’s defense attorney, Steven Fishman, said she made an unfortunate mistake but has dedicated her life to helping her community, the report stated.

Men linked to Mexican drug cartel behead 13-year-old special needs girl, murder grandmother

Men linked to Mexican drug cartel behead 13-year-old special needs girl, murder grandmother

Men linked to Mexican drug cartel behead 13-year-old special needs girl, murder grandmother
Two men are accused of beheading a teenager with special needs and her grandmother. (Image source: WAAY-TV screenshot) 
Two men loosely associated with a brutal Mexican cartel, one of whom is an illegal immigrant, are responsible for beheading a 13-year-old girl with special needs and murdering her grandmother, Alabama law enforcement allege.

What are the details?

Authorities say Yoni Aguilar and Israel Gonzalez Palomino murdered Oralia Mendoza and her granddaughter, Mariah Lopez, because they didn’t trust Mendoza after she exhibited suspicious activity during a recent drug running trip to a small town in northeast Atlanta. 
Authorities say the group ran drugs for the Sinaloa Cartel, the largest organized crime syndicate in the world. Police say it was Mendoza who had deep connections to the cartel.
According to AL.com, authorities believe something went wrong during their trip, spurring Palomino to believe he was being setup. Upon returning to Huntsville, Palomino discovered Mendoza had removed the SIM card from her cellphone. He also discovered text messages to an unknown woman during the drug run. Police say Mendoza texted a woman asking her to secure Lopez, who was staying with Palomino’s wife, because she feared for their lives, WAAY-TV reported.
After discovering the messages, Aguilar and Palomino allegedly awoke Mendoza in the middle of the night on June 4. They told her they were taking her and Lopez to a safe location. 
Instead, the two men took their captives to a cemetery. Police say there was an altercation between Palomino and Mendoza. After it escalated, police say Palomino pulled a knife and stabbed Mendoza, leaving her to die in the cemetery.
The men then drove about 2 miles down the road, where police say Palomino forced Aguilar to kill Lopez by beheading her. Law enforcement said Palomino decided Lopez needed to die because she was a witness to her grandmother’s murder.
Police began investigating the murders on June 7 after a local boy discovered Lopez’s body. After police released a description of the girl, a woman came forward claiming to be Lopez’s mother and Mendoza’s daughter, AL.com reported. Authorities were then able to positively identify Lopez’s body. 
After Lopez was identified, Aguilar and Palomino were quickly identified as suspects. Police took the men into custody, and after being interviewed separately, investigators gathered enough evidence to charge them with Lopez’s murder.
According to AL.com, Aguilar confessed to the crimes, which helped investigators finally locate Mendoza’s body at the cemetery on June 15.
Police have charged the men with capital murder. They are being held without bond.

What evidence do investigators have against the men?

In addition to Aguilar’s confession, which he again made in court last Thursday, authorities have a wealth of physical evidence against the two men.
AL.com reported:
Aguilar and Palomino’s cellphones pinged in the area during the time of the killings, Rutherford testified. Investigators also recovered two knives, believed to be the murder weapons. One was found under Aguilar’s mattress; the other was under Palomino’s mattress, Rutherford told the judge. Additionally, blood was found inside Palomino’s car, the investigator testified.

What are the suspect’s immigration statuses?

Authorities said Aguilar is an illegal immigrant, while Palomino is in the U.S. on a green card, according to WAAY. Immigration and Customs Enforcement told the Atlanta Constitution-Journal they had placed a detainer on Aguilar.

Nicaragua's revolution....NYC Mayor Bill de Blasio worked hard to install this thug. Democrats who supported the Sandinistas should be ashamed

Are pro-government militias what Obama had in mind when he wanted and perhaps still wants for America?




Inside the church where Nicaraguan paramilitaries laid siege on university students

 Published 
MANAGUA, Nicaragua - The first student I met outside the Church of the Divine Mercy had a fresh bullet hole in his lower back.
"It's ugly in there," he said.
"In there" was the vast, jungly campus of the National Autonomous University of Nicaragua (UNAN), which by Friday afternoon had become a battleground. Far from the initial fighting was the Catholic church, a supposedly safe place for triage, and beleaguered and wounded students were arriving from the front lines by pickup truck, by motorbike, and on foot.
"We had to evacuate," Jonas Cruz, 18, said. "They are invading the barricades. They are already inside."
These students, and much of Nicaragua, have been in revolt against President Daniel Ortega's government for the past three months, enraged by how he has consolidated near total power over his four terms as president, undermined democratic institutions, and allowed his security apparatus to employ deadly force against protesters. More than 300 people have been killed since the conflict began in April, the vast majority civilians.
Starting Friday afternoon, a new crisis emerged. Pro-government militias set out to crush the student rebellion at the UNAN, one of the last strongholds of open resistance in the capital. During a 15-hour siege, some 200 university students and others were pinned down by gunfire inside this small Catholic church compound. Two students were killed and at least 10 were injured before top Catholic clergy were able to negotiate their release on Saturday morning and escort the surviving students across police lines.
Ortega's government has ultimately wrested back control of this campus - as well as other rebellious cities across Nicaragua - but the cost to his government could be steep. There is a growing international condemnation of Ortega's heavy-handed tactics to break the protests. Business leaders and other former allies have called for early elections or for him to step down.
"They are shooting at a church," said Erick Alvarado Cole, one of the priests inside Divine Mercy, as the gun battle raged outside. "The government says it respects human rights. Is this respecting human rights?"
Ortega has not spoken about the siege, but an official government news site, El 19, described the students as "terrorists and criminals" who had attacked a caravan of Sandinistas earlier in the day and then burned buildings on campus as they fled. It published pictures of the weapons found at the church after the students were taken away.
Over the past week, convoys of plainclothes gunmen, who are known here as paramilitaries and appear to coordinate with police, have swept through several cities breaking down barricades in bloody battles as they try to reassert government control. Last weekend, these militiamen crushed the protests in Jinotepe and Diriamba, two cities south of the capital, ransacking churches and leaving more than 30 dead in the area, according to human rights groups. On Friday morning, masked gunmen stood ominously in these two town squares overseeing the frightened few who dared go about their daily business.
The UNAN was one of the last protest holdouts in the capital. On Friday, the paramilitaries set out to change that.
The students had fortified their campus with brick and barbed-wire barriers. A few carried firearms, but most had rudimentary weapons such rocks, spikes, or homemade mortars. When the shooting started, they were quickly overrun, and many retreated to the church for refuge and treatment.
The compound had two main buildings - the church and the priest's quarters - separated by a courtyard. A metal gate blocked the roadside entrance but the backyard was open to the campus. Inside, there was the hectic, confused energy of a field hospital run mostly by non-doctors. Patients squirmed on desks and on the floor as volunteers inserted IVs and bandaged wounds. Teens smoked cigarettes through ski masks and balaclavas.
Not long after 6 p.m., with a series of high-pitched cracks, the mood took a dark turn. The faraway shooting was suddenly nearby. The paramilitaries had appeared, cutting off the only exit from Divine Mercy, and firing at the remaining barricade just outside the church.
It became clear that everyone inside - dozens of students, at least two priests and two doctors, neighbors, volunteers, and journalists, including me - would not be going anywhere.
Most of the students accepted this realization with stoicism and remarkable calm. Many had been taking sporadic fire on and off for the past two months, and they seemed accustomed to it. They carried the wounded into Rev. Raul Zamora's rectory, and put them on chairs or on the blood-spattered tile floor. Outside at the barricade, other students shouted and fired their mortars against the unseen assailants.
Over the next hours, the fighting ebbed and flowed. A flurry of gunfire would force everyone indoors, then people would drift into the courtyard. At times, they chanted "Viva, Nicaragua," shot their mortars in the air, and vowed to never leave their posts. Around sunset, dozens of them knelt in a circle, held each other, and prayed.
"Thank you, God, for saving us from death," the prayer leader said. "You are always above us."
This moment was interrupted by a pickup truck swerving into the courtyard carrying a young man who had part of his right foot shot off. Another woman, an 18-year-old medical student, had been shot in the right leg, and the bullet broke her femur. The police and paramilitaries outside had sealed off the neighborhood, keeping ambulances away.
"The ambulance is outside, and the paramilitaries have blocked it," said Carlos Duarte, a cardiologist and volunteer who was treating students and on the phone with his colleagues at the Vivian Pellas Hospital. "They have threatened to kill the drivers."
The medical student, who asked that she not be named, spent hours on the floor with her bloody leg set in a splint made of sticks and cardboard.
"The pain is unbearable," she said.
It was impossible to determine the course of the battle from inside the church - who was shooting, or from where - but it was unmistakable when it got closer.
"Everyone on the ground! Everyone on the ground!" Zamora shouted at one point to the few dozen people huddled tightly in the dark on his living room floor.
"Those are windows," he said, looking across the room. "Whatever bullet goes through there will kill you."
By then, the shooting was on the street and aimed at the house. Some bullets sounded like they broke through. It was dark then and the students were hushing each other and trying to cover the lights of their cellphones. From the injured, there were muffled moans of pain. One young man started angrily swearing and others scolded him to behave.
Through all this, Zamora, the priest, and his subordinate, Erick Alvarado Cole, were on their cellphones calling Nicaragua's Catholic clergy, asking for help and negotiating a peaceful resolution with the government. As bullets cracked, he called into a live radio broadcast and appealed for help. The students had left the university barricades, he said, so there was no reason for the government to keep shooting.
"It's like they want to assassinate all the students," he said.
"Please," he went on. "I call on the conscience of the authorities. If they have already left UNAN, why are they attacking the church?
"They can't be attacking a sacred place," he said.
The shooting kept coming closer; you could hear the voices. A half dozen people, including the priest, crowded into a backroom and hugged the ground. Zamora said a quiet prayer.
"Lord, we ask you to protect us in this moment," he said.
"We believe in you, Lord, those of us who have no strength against this great army," he murmured. "Help us, Lord."
By 10:30 p.m., the Catholic Church and the State Department had prevailed upon the Nicaraguan government to allow a convoy of ambulances and negotiators to cross police lines and ferry three wounded students and me out of the church. After they left, gunfire quickly resumed, according to those who remained, all through the night and after dawn.
The standoff ended on Saturday morning when the two most important Catholic Church leaders in Nicaragua, Monseñor Waldemar Stanislaw Sommertag and Cardinal Leopoldo Brenes, arrived at the church and negotiated the students' release.
Just after 9 a.m., roughly 200 students and others who were pinned down all night, along with two dead and three injured students, were driven across town under a muggy sky to the Managua Metropolitan Cathedral, in five ambulances and two white school buses.
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Video: A medical student was shot during a standoff between pro-government militias and university students in Managua, Nicaragua on July 13.(Joshua Partlow/The Washington Post)