Summary: With US military forces engaged around the world in the long war, with three conflicts burning at once (on very different scales), the doctrines we choose may have a large effect on American history. This, the first of the Attritionist Letters, describes the issues and the stakes. See the introduction to this series if you’re not familar with the subject; see the links at the end for more information. Comments are open for this series.
“Attritionist Letter #1“, Marine Corps Gazette, May 2010 — Posted here with permission from the Marine Corps Association. To protect the authors’ careers, the Gazette’s Editor published these anonymously (for more about this, see section 6a of this website’s authors page). See the links at the end for more information about these issues.
Introduction
I have no intention of explaining how the correspondence, which I now offer to the public, fell into my hands. The general who authored them is almost certainly retired, for he writes with such careless disregard — and one might suggest some contempt — for our beloved Corps. The young captain to whom he writes is a more puzzling case; there are far too many Capt Wormwoods in the global access list to determine which is being addressed. Nevertheless, it is the essence of these papers that I find disconcerting— and thus the urgency with which I submit them to you,the reader.
Text
Captain Wormwood,
From your lessons at The Basic School (TBS), you no doubt recall the great 1989 victory won in Quantico by those who called themselves “maneuverists.” Then-Commandant, Gen Alfred M. Gray, arrayed his forces against us — we the noble “attritionists” — to do battle over the philosophy upon which the Marine Corps would operate. Gen Gray’s forces attempted to redefine the Marine Corps with a new interpretation of military theory, that of “maneuver warfare.”
For the past two decades, these maneuverists have touted their victory. But as you know, young Wormwood, we are far from dead. In fact, attritionist forces have long waged a surreptitious insurgency on all fronts of the Corps. Now, even as those maneuverists celebrate the 20th anniversary of their victory, it is increasingly evident that they have all but lost the war. As the Corps has quietly transitioned from a “maneuver-centric” philosophy back to a more attritionist one, you will note that Marine Corps Doctrinal Publication 1 (MCDP 1), Warfighting, has remained anchored in the past, dated and inadequate. It should be quite obvious that the Marine Corps in no way conducts itself in accordance with this document.
What is more, very few Marines realize this — and fewer still even care! It is now almost useless as a reference upon which to base action. As a young Marine officer, you can appreciate the importance of ensuring doctrine is kept current. This is the sign for which we have been waiting! In order to accurately reflect those attritionist methodologies we have striven so hard to implement and currently employ, MCDP 1, Warfighting, must be revised.
We must not strive for certainty before we act, for in so doing we will surrender the initiative and pass up opportunities. The very nature of war makes certainty impossible; all actions in war will be based upon incomplete, inaccurate, or even contradictory information.
You will recognize the previous excerpts from the current version of MCDP 1, Warfighting. While they could have been uttered by Sun Tzu, Moltke (the elder, of course), Clausewitz, or even Patton, they represent the most dangerous line of thinking to our Corps. Military philosophers have long suggested that uncertainty and disorder are inherent attributes of war. Clausewitz said that:
“. . . the commander must work in a medium which his eyes cannot see; which his best deductive powers cannot always fathom; and with which, because of constant changes, he can rarely become familiar.”
You, my dear Wormwood, being at the dawn of your career, are perhaps most familiar with the traditional Marine Corps position on this line. Since 1989 Marine schoolhouses have attempted to familiarize the student with an environment of intentionally diminished situational awareness while simultaneously demanding decisive action. This was intended to create tolerance for uncertainty and simultaneously discourage the expenditure of energies in seemingly fruitless attempts to ascertain certainty. Surely you can recall that most horrific utterance from an overzealous TBS instructor, “What now, Lieutenant?”
“But to what end?” I have long asked. Wormwood, you will note with zeal that over the past several years, we have succeeded in finally convincing Marine commanders that they can no longer tolerate the uncertainty and disorder traditionally characteristic of battlefields from time immemorial. No longer must we attempt to appease our discomfort at an unruly battlefield in which we lack complete and clear situational awareness. Quite the opposite, we can no longer tolerate uncertainty. We must ensure that primacy of effort lies with pursuing certainty.
As a mere captain of Marines, there is no need for you to clutter your mind with military theory. However, if you feel so inclined, there is an author who claims:
“When confronted with a task, and having less information available than is needed to perform that task, an organization may react in either of two ways. One is to increase its information processing capacity, the other to design the organization, and indeed the task itself, in such a way as to enable it to operate on the basis of less information. It is obvious that maneuverists would rather accomplish the latter while we attritionists have long sought to pursue the former.” {Martin van Creveld, Command in War, 1985}
You will note with pride that fellow attritionists have worked ever so diligently to ensure that billions of dollars are invested to procure the latest technologies with the primary objective being the elimination of disorder and uncertainty on the battlefield.
- C2PC (command and control personal computer),
- CPOF (command post of the future),
- AFATDS (advanced field artillery tactical data system),
- and other like systems (as well as their interface) promise an unparalleled clarity on the current battlefield.
Similarly, intelligence preparation of the battlespace is becoming extraordinarily focused on product development in order to provide the commander with the answers for any possible data requests. From your reading of Napoleon, you will recall that he would implore intelligence staffs to find “any information I might find of interest” and subsequently leave it to their initiative. How pathetic! Today’s commanders can — and therefore do — rightfully demand ever-increasing amounts of quantitative information with which to eliminate uncertainties and disorder on the battlefield. For only when the highest echelon commanders are provided all of the information can they determine the appropriate course of action and issue forth appropriate tasks for subordinates. You can see that current technology has eliminated Clausewitz’s “fog of war.”
I cannot recall when you last deployed to CentCom (U.S. Central Command). Was it earlier this year? Last year? Either way, you must have observed that our movement is gaining significant assistance from military contracting firms. Even in a recent issue of the Marine Corps Gazette — that forum for discourse among our Corps’ best — one firm actually published an advertisement clearly identifying “uncertainty” as the primary enemy and offering the military extensive command and control system capabilities in order to resolve the problem.
I have seen similar advertisements from other companies, both offering elaborate (although expensive) information and command and control systems that seek to “increase information-processing capability” rather than to pursue the useless objective of allowing the commander to become comfortable with uncertainty. These advertisements are, of course, not targeted at junior officers like you, Wormwood, but rather they are intended to connect with our Corps’ decisionmakers. I must admit that upon seeing the advertisements, I was flooded with an immense sense of relief — relief that our position, so long banned from respectable circles, is now firmly entrenched and even valued at the highest levels.
I have no doubt that we are achieving our objectives in Afghanistan and Iraq primarily through increased use of technologies that seek to eliminate uncertainty on the battlefield. Deluded maneuverists will argue that these new technologies can actually introduce more confusion into the operating environment. They will also try to argue that rather than attempt to banish uncertainty from the battlefield, Marines should train more extensively in such unpredictable environments in order to develop confidence in their abilities. By clinging to such dated ideas, the maneuverists are proving their ineptitude by their refusal to accept the obvious: technology has eliminated the need to be comfortable in chaos. After all, one of our most esteemed fellow attritionists, retired MG J.F.C. Fuller, wrote, “Weapons, if only the right ones can be found, form 99% of the victory.”
Capt Wormwood, I am cognizant of your contribution — albeit a small and almost meaningless one — to this cause. At times, however, you strike me as almost rambunctious and unpredictable. How many times must I tell you? Take no unnecessary risk! Make no unnecessary decision! You would do well to simply pay attention and emulate those seniors (such as myself) who are kind enough to have assumed the responsibility for your leadership development as we proceed in our most worthy cause. Stay vigilant, for just as victory is near, it can also be seized away at the last. Until then, I remain,
General Screwtape
For more information
(a) Important background material:
- Text of The Screwtape Letters by C. S. Lewis.
- Links to all of The Attritionist Letters, posted at The Marine Corps Gazette
- Explanation of the attritionist and maneuverist doctrines: ”The Changing Face of War: Into the Fourth Generation”, Marine Corps Gazette, October 1989 (image here, text here).
(b) Other relevant articles:
- “Culture Wars“, Donald E. Vandergriff (Major, US Army, retired), Originally published as a chapter in Digital War: A View from the Frontline (editor R. Bateman, 1999)
- “The Next War? Four Generations of Future Warriors“, Eric M. Walters (Prof History at American Military University) — Powerpoint
(c) See these FM Reference pages for archives of other posts on this topic:
(d) Some posts about the debate about military doctrine for the long war:
- A solution to 4GW — the introduction, 12 March 2008
- The US Army brings us back to the future, returning to WWI’s “cult of the offense”, 13 February 2009
- Our tactics are an obstacle to victory in the Long War, as the Darwinian Ratchet works against us, 19 April 2011 – A serious side-effect of attritionist methods
(e) Posts about our senior generals:
- The Core Competence of America’s Military Leaders, 27 May 2008
- The moral courage of our senior generals, or their lack of it, 3 July 2008
- Generals read “Ender’s Game” and see their vision of the future Marine Corps, 7 September 2010
- Our growing domestic insurgency: revolt of the generals, 6 October 2010
(f) Posts about the training of officers:
- Recommended reading: transforming the Army, the hard way, 15 January 2008 — Don Vandergriff, at the cutting edge of this struggle
- 4GW: A solution of the third kind – Vandergriff is one of the few implementing real solutions.
- About military leaders in the 21st century: “Theirs Is to Reason Why”, 1 July 2010
- Preface to Manning the Future Legions of the United States: Finding and Developing Tomorrow’s Centurions, 16 July 2010
- Training of officers, a key step for the forging of an effective military force, 17 July 2010
- Dragging American Military Culture into the 21st Century, 13 August 2010
- Building a new generation of visionary leaders for the US military, 30 September 2010
Summary: Key points of military history are marked by debates among soldiers, usually invisible to the public but affecting the course of nations. Such a debate is underway now about the doctrines by which we wage the long war against jihadists and their allies. With the permission of the the Marine Corps Association (publisher of the Marine Corps Gazette, one of the finest of military journals), we’re bringing to public a series of entertaining but powerful vollies in that debate: the Attritionist Letters. This is an introduction to the series. Letters will go up tomorrow and weekly thereafter. The MCA also invited us to post on their new blog. Comments are on for this series.
C.S. Lewis first published the 31 The Screwtape Letters in The Guardian from May through November 1941. They are letters from Screwtape (a senior demon) to his nephew Wormwood (a novice tempter). They discuss the moral context behind the wars then shaking the world, which are a manifestation (or perhaps an echo) of the larger war between good and evil. They show that fallen angels (from low-level tempters up to Satan) are components of a bureaucracy driven by the personal needs of its participants as much as its ideology and purpose. The result is often futility in action (pitiful under other circumstances, but an elment of their damnation).
The Letters entertain us by mocking evil, much as the passion plays did for people in the Middle Ages. More importantly they show how the mundane decisions of our daily lives have embedded in them vital moral choices.
During the past year the Marine Corps Gazette has published the “Attritionist Letters”, written by junior officers protesting the dominance of second generation military thinking (i.e., French doctrines of methodical battle) to a 4th generational world — doctrines successful during the first half of the 20th century but unsuited for the new millennium. As seen in our defeats in Vietnam and Iraq, and lack of success so far in Afghanistan. Like the Screwtape Letters, they describe a conflict within a large organization during wartime — in which the internal struggle shapes the external war.
Summary: Many people seek changes to the Constitution as a palliative to our problems. Disappointment awaits them, especially if they succeed. Proper treatment requires accurate diagnosis, and even a cursory look at America shows that our problems have a simple cause. Us. Tinkering with the Constitution will not make us neither more active citizens nor ones more protective of our liberties. This is a summary of evidence presented at length in the posts listed at the end.
“All peoples have the government that suits them.” “Every country has the government it deserves”
— Joseph-Marie, comte de Maistre. From Étude sur la souveraineté (1794) and Lettres et Opuscules (1811)
This is the third in a series:
(1) Is it time to take the drastic step of calling a Constitutional Convention?
(2) Was the 1787 Constitutional Convention a runaway, in effect a second revolution?
Contents
- Why we need a new Constitution
- Why amendments or even a new Constitution cannot help
- Now for the bad news
- The good news
- For more information
(1) Why we need a new Constitution
We need a new Constitution for the simplest and most compelling of reasons: the old one has died. Any specific date of death is arbitrary, but 6 May 2011 will do:
“A missile strike from an American military drone in a remote region of Yemen on Thursday was aimed at killing Anwar al-Awlaki, the radical American-born cleric believed to be hiding in the country, American officials said Friday.” {source: NYT}
The government has assumed the authority to kill citizens off the battlefield, no violent crime in progress, without conviction, without trial, without arrest warrant. There is no greater authority, no more fundamental violation of the Constitution. Once officials cross that line the other lines mean nothing; they will cross all the other lines in time. That is, those that they have not already crossed (e.g., indefinite detention, surveillance without warrant, torture — see the links at the end for more evidence). Meanwhile the Tea Party obsesses over far more minor flaws.
They have done so publicly, apply the last test of our ability to govern ourselves. Much as undertakers used to test a body before burial to ensure that it was dead. We failed the test, by our apathy showing that the Constitution has died in our hearts. It’s just words, its only life can be in us.
Summary: In 1787 we had a runaway Convention. But the Founders had good reasons for their actions, clearly stated in the Federalist Papers. The words have the same meaning and power today, and give the same hope and peril for any future efforts to change the Constitution.
This is the second in a series:
(1) Is it time to take the drastic step of calling a Constitutional Convention?
(3) Could a new Constitutional Convention help reform America? Is it worth the risk?
Contents
- Why we’re taught that the 1787 convention was a unique event
- Did we have a runaway Convention in 1787?
- The significance for us of the Conventions actions.
- For more information
(1) Why we’re taught that the 1787 convention was a unique event
It’s vital that citizens believe that the origin of a regime is sui generis, a unique and unrepeatable episode in history. This makes the regime a permanent aspect of society, unless overthrown from without. One vote, one time creates a regime — which can be tweaked but not replaced. So we do not teach children that the Continental Congress created the First Republic in 1777, based on the Articles of Confederation. Or how it was overthrown in 1787.
Under the Articles, the First Republic had a clear and simple procedure for amendments: Article 13:
And the Articles of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them; unless such alteration be agreed to in a congress of the united States, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of every State.
(2) Did we have a runaway Convention in 1787?
Advocates of a Convention assure us that not only will a new Convention remain within the bounds set for it — proposing only the specific kinds of changes intended by the States. These conclusions rely on close legal reasoning and aggressive guessing about unknowable future scenarios. Examples:
Summary: The assassination of bin Laden is rich in lessons for America. Here are a few. Everyday we learn a bit more about our world and how its changing.
Third in a series about bin Laden’s death. Previous chapters:
- A brief note about the death of bin Laden
- About the strategic significance of bin Laden’s execution, and the road not taken
The pattern remains consistent over the years. The military gives us a story, bold and appealing — confirming their narratives. The stenographers calling themselves journalists write headlines. Minds are molded by these strong impressions because we want to believe. Adding to the effect are hundreds of articles by our geopolitical experts and pundits, carefully rearranging the details fed to us by government officials.
Then come the corrections. Step by step, eroding away the story. In the cases of Pat Tillman and Jessica Lynch leaving almost nothing of the original left.
But we never learn. We respond just the same when we’re fed the next story. Like fish that take the bait each time. Or Charlie Brown — each time he believes Lucy’s promise.
Perhaps we’ll learn, someday. On that day the Republic will become much stronger.
Here ae some of my favorite articles debunking the stories about our assassination of bin Laden. At the end are links to more information.
- A classroom demonstration of finding terrorists by mathematics
- How are criminals often caught? Not always by detective work.
- Our Russian friends congratulate us, happy that we’ve joined them on the dark side
- One of our few real journalists is an attorney
(1) A classroom demonstration of finding terrorists by mathematics
Here’s a powerful example of why propaganda works: an appealing story gets widespread attention, while its retraction is buried. “Geographers Had Predicted Osama’s Possible Whereabouts“, Science, 2 May 2011 — Excerpt:
Summary: Drastic times call for drastic measures. After 2 centuries it may be time for another convention. Or do we seek an easy alternative to the hard work of making our Constitutional machinery run?
Mrs. Powel of Philadelphia asked Dr. Franklin “What have we got, a republic or a monarchy” “A republic, if you can keep it” replied the Doctor.
— entry of 18 September 1887 in the Papers of Dr. James McHenry on the Federal Convention of 1887 (McHenry, 1753-1816, signer of the Constitution, third Secretary of War, namesake of Fort McHenry)
This is part one of a series:
(2) Was the 1787 Constitutional Convention a runaway, in effect a second revolution?
(3) Could a new Constitutional Convention help reform America? Is it worth the risk?
Contents
- The need for a new Constitutional Convention
- Can Congress or the States limit the scope of an Article V Convention?
- For more information
(1) The need for a new Constitutional Convention
Fears grow that our Regime has grown sclerotic, its political machinery grown rusty with age and unable to produce needed reforms. Hence increasingly frequent calls for a drastic step — a new Constitutional Convention, to launch amendments that Congress can or will not do. Common proposals include:
- Limiting the Federal government’s power to tax, to spend, or to regulate.
- Increasing the power of the States vs. that of the Federal government, such as allowing the States to repeal Federal laws.
Article V of the Constitution provides a solution:
- The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as part of this Constitution,
- when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress;
- Provided that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate.
(2) Can Congress or the States limit the scope of an Article V Convention?
While many people would like substantial reforms to the Constitution, few want a drastic reformation — or to risk the transition to a Third Republic. So advocates of an Article V convention stress that it would have a limited scope for action.
Unfortunately we don’t know how such a Convention would run, or what rules would govern its operation. Attorneys confidently guess about this unknowable scenario, despite their inability to reliably predict the outcome of this year’s Supreme Court rulings. The uncertainty of an Article V convention have prevented its use so far.
Summary: The capture and execution of bin Laden was a powerful act of grand strategy. Did it advance or damage our national interests? There was an alternative to his execution, another of the roads not taken by America since 9-11. Bin Laden borrowed from the ending of Tom Clancy’s “Debt of Honor”. We could have borrowed the ending from “The Sum of All Fears”. This is a follow-up to A brief note about the death of bin Laden.
Contents
- Was bin Laden a high priority goal?
- Why does it matter? Because strategy trumps tactics.
- The missed opportunity
- For more information
(1) Was bin Laden a high priority goal?
Did we seek to capture/kill bin Laden? Or was he more useful as an excuse for invading Afghanistan and Iraq? There is evidence that regime change in the Middle East was the objective – and justice for bin Laden was secondary. That was and should be primarily a decision about strategy not (as Machiavelli explained) a moral choice. We can debate its effects another day. Here’s some of the evidence.
(a) Bush’s response to 9-11
As explained by the 9-11 Commission. From page 332, Chapter 10 — Wartime:
The State Department proposed delivering an ultimatum to the Taliban: produce Bin Ladin and his deputies and shut down al Qaeda camps within 24 to 48 hours, or the United States will use all necessary means to destroy the terrorist infrastructure. The State Department did not expect the Taliban to comply. Therefore, State and Defense would plan to build an international coalition to go into Afghanistan.
Both departments would consult with NATO and other allies and request intelligence, basing, and other support from countries, according to their capabilities and resources. Finally, the plan detailed a public U.S. stance: America would use all its resources to eliminate terrorism as a threat, punish those responsible for the 9/11 attacks, hold states and other actors responsible for providing sanctuary to terrorists, work with a coalition to eliminate terrorist groups and networks, and avoid malice toward any people, religion, or culture. (State Department memo, “Gameplan for Polmil Strategy for Pakistan and Afghanistan,” 14 Sept 2001)
President Bush recalled that he quickly realized that the administration would have to invade Afghanistan with ground troops.
(b) Bush’s response to the Taliban’s offers
From ”Bush rejects Taliban offer to surrender bin Laden“, The Independent, 15 October 2001 — Excerpt:
Summary: About the failure of our professional associations to uphold their own standards and defend the the people — defend the Republic. That’s an essential element of professionalism, apparently lost in 21st century America.
The deterioration in the Republic proceeds at a speed beyond my worst fears (underestimating this was my worst mistake on these pages in 2010). Not just the government, although its institutions rot at an alarming rate. Torture, surveillance, assassination, foreign wars based on lies — the by now usual long list. It’s the failure of our private institutions that astonishes me. The ones that the Founders hoped would contain the government and defend our liberties.
Now attorneys write briefs justifying torture, wars without legal authorization, surveillance and detention without warrant, and indeed limitless Executive power under the authoritarian justification of the President as Commander in Chief. It’s not lone actors, as the State legal associations have de facto ratified these actions though their inaction (e.g, the Pennsylvania Bars inaction on John Yoo, and the Alaska Bar inviting him to be their keynote speaker). And judges openly applauding the President’s violation of the laws.
Perhaps worse (as we expect little good from attorneys) doctors participate in torture. Long rumored, now documented in “Neglect of Medical Evidence of Torture in Guantánamo Bay: A Case Series“, Vincent Iacopino (Adjunct Prof of Medicine, U of Minnesota) and Stephen N. Xenakis (Brigadier General, US Army, retired), PLOS Medicine, April 2011. Will the State Medical Associations act on this clear violation of medical ethics? Abstract:
Background
In the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks on the US, the government authorized the use of “enhanced interrogation” techniques that were previously recognized as torture. While the complicity of US health professionals in the design and implementation of US torture practices has been documented, little is known about the role of health providers, assigned to the US Department of Defense (DoD) at the US Naval Station Guantánamo Bay, Cuba (GTMO), who should have been in a position to observe and document physical and psychological evidence of torture and ill treatment.
Methods and Findings
We’re conducting a grand experiment in the Middle East – using money to reshape their societies
Summary: We are conducting one of the largest experiments in history, attempting to change the pattern of foreign people’s societies by the use of money — without force. The brief and smaller-scale project in Iraq has drawn to a close. The end of the far larger and longer project in Afghanistan lies in the near future. Will these people turn to the West politically or socially? Or will they turn away, perhaps to some form of traditional Islam? Much depends on the result.
One of the West’s greatest (and most deeply hidden) fears is that the world has passed us by. With an apathetic population no longer believing in our foundational faith, our population cresting, and fertility in what looks like an irreversible decline (awaiting only the invention of a male contraceptive pill for the next step down), we view with alarm the vigorous and sometimes violent resurgence of Islam.
The recent history of the Middle East shows secular (conceptually western) regimes falling or embattled – Ba’athist Iraq and Syria, socialist Afghanistan, western puppet Egypt, leftist Libya — being replaced by regimes friendly or dominated by Islam. But we have one card, which we consider trump: money. Borrowing massive sums from OPEC and China, we hope to reshape these societies in our image: secular, capitalistic, democratic, founded on human rights (a concept alien to the Koran).
Soon we’ll see the results in Iraq. This excerpt looks at Afghanistan, with the project entering its second decade. The use of money to “develop” Afghanistan may be the key front in the war, but one mostly ignored by the news media.
“Money as Weapon“, Christopher de Bellaigue, London Review of Books, 14 April 2011 — The full article is for subscribers only. I recommend subscribing to LRB; this is one of the few publications that goes to the top of my reading pile. Excerpt (red emphasis added):
The Americans and their Nato allies entered Afghanistan in order to prevent al-Qaida using it to launch another 9/11-style attack, and in this they have been successful, reducing the enemy’s presence in the country to a few individuals. But the occupiers had a second and much more ambitious goal: to turn Afghanistan into a place where there would be fair elections, free enterprise and women’s rights. The transformation would be financed by the US and other donor governments, while their foreign and local helpers oversaw its implementation. Using these channels, the US and its allies have spent more than $50 billion on aid in Afghanistan since 2002.
A brief note about the death of bin Laden
Summary: It’s not a big event. It might not even be good news for the US, from a long-term perspective. Also see the follow-up post About the strategic significance of bin Laden’s execution, and the road not taken.
“… and into the aerial weaponry the Americans used to pull off arguably the most important military operation of the decade.”"
— delusional nonsense by David Axe and Noah Shachtman, writing at Wired, 2 May 2011
“I’ve never been so excited to see the photo of a corpse with a gunshot wound through the head.”
– Twitter by Emily Miller, Senior Editor of The Washington Times
Contents
- It’s not a big event
- Killing bin Laden might make al Qaeda more potent
- The weirdness of President Obama’s speech about the news
- Updates
- For more information
(1) It’s not a big event
We don’t know if bin Laden (sick, hiding in the mountains) still exercised any meaningful control over al Qaeda. We do not even know if al Qaeda still exists in any substantial form, or just as a global brand name. The actual victory might be the de facto destruction of AQ by the police and intelligence services of the US and our allies. The militarization of not just our foreign policy but also our thinking prevents us from seeing this accomplishment — an unrecognized great victory. For more information see
- “The Tactical Irrelevance of Osama bin Laden’s Death“, Stratfor, 2 May 2011
(2) Killing bin Laden might make al Qaeda more potent
“An official also said bin Laden’s death puts al Qaeda on a path of decline that will be difficult to reverse.” (source: Reuters)
Not necessarily. It depends on who replaces him. Bin Laden as a martyr and AQ now competently run = bad news for us.
Update: if our uninvited incursion into Pakistan to kill bin Laden angers the Pakistan people — one border crossing too many — than this will have been a strategic mistake. We’re not the only people with national pride.
(3) The weirdness of President Obama’s speech about the news