History and Development of the Citrus Industry
Revised by Walter Reuther and Harry W. Lawton

The various species of the genus Citrus are all believed to be native to the subtropical and tropical regions of Asia and the Malay Archipelago, and to have spread from there to other sections of the world.   They have been cultivated from remote ages, and prototype forms of the most important species are not definitely known.

      Comparatively little change has been required to develop our best present-day varieties from fruits of the most primitive types.   It is true that the Washington navel and Valencia oranges are larger and superior in quality to most sweet orange seedlings, which doubtless represent a more primitive type.   Nevertheless, in the absence of improved varieties, the fruits of these seedlings are quite acceptable.   It is likely, therefore, that the citrus fruits which first attracted the attention of primitive peoples were already highly developed through the processes of natural evolution.   They were thus chosen as fruits worthy of cultivation, and presumably the crude selection of the best individuals for propagation had been going on for many centuries before any type came to be cultivated in European countries.
      The history of the spread of citrus reads like a romance.1   Even in very early times the beautiful appearance of both tree and fruit attracted the attention of travelers and received mention in their written narratives.   The spread of the genus, however, from one part of the world to another was very slow.
      Curiously, the first member of the group to become known to European civilization was the citron, mentioned about 310 B.C. by Theophrastus.   For several hundred years this was the only citrus fruit known.   Then came in order, but possibly centuries apart, the sour orange, the lemon, and the sweet orange.   As far as preserved literature indicates, this last species was not known in Europe until approximately 1400 A.D., about seventeen centuries later than the citron.   However, on the basis of careful examination of a Pompeian tile mosaic, Tolkowsky (1938) presented strong evidence that the orange tree—possibly of the sweet variety—was grown in Italy prior to the destruction of Pompeii in 79 A.D.   He suggested that while the orange tree was cultivated at that period, it neither blossomed nor, consequently, bore fruit.   A tile floor mosaic found in a Roman villa near Tusculum (modern Frascati) indicates that soon thereafter lemons and limes were also known in Italy.   Eventually, Tolkowsky believes Italian gardeners succeeded in obtaining fruits from their citrus trees.   From a vaulted ceiling mosaic in Rome, designed about 330 A.D. for Constantine the Great, Tolkowsky adduced "unassailable proof of the fact that in fourth century Italy oranges and lemons were actually grown."
      It is now known that the sweet orange had been grown for many centuries in China and had apparently reached an advanced stage of cultivation before it became known to Europeans.   Little information is available relative to the ancient Chinese literature, but there is indication that it may contain many references to sweet and mandarin oranges, and to various other citrus fruits.   Han Yen-chih, in his Chü lu, written in 1178 A.D. and translated into English by Hagerty (Monograph on the Oranges of Wên-chou, Chekiang, 1923), named and described some twenty-seven varieties of sweet, sour, and mandarin oranges.   He also described citrons, kumquats, and the trifoliate orange and discussed nursery methods, grove management, and diseases.
      On the basis of statements in this work, the oldest existing book on the orange, it is safe to assume that oranges have been mentioned and discussed in Chinese literature since the time of Ch'u Yuan, who in his first poem, called "Li Sao" or "Falling into Trouble," mentioned many plants, trees, and fruits of that period (314 B.C.).   This was approximately contemporaneous with the first mention of citrus fruits in European literature by Theophrastus (ca. 372-287 B.C.).
      Doubtless many much older references to oranges may be found in ancient Chinese manuscripts and documents.   The earliest reference to any citrus fruit to which attention has thus far been directed is contained in the book "Yu Kung" or "Tribute of Yu" (The Emperor Ta Yu, who reigned from 2205 to 2197 B.C.), where the statement was made, "The baskets were filled with woven ornamental silks.   The bundle contained small oranges and pummeloes." 2
      Purported evidence also has been found indicating that the citron was known in Egypt long before the references to it by Theophrastus, though it is not considered to be a native of that country.   Sirag-el-Din stated (1931, p. 61):

      This species has been known in Egypt since the time of the Pharoes, as a model in the Louvre Museum, which was taken from a Pharo-tomb of the twelfth century B.C. proves.   There is also a previous proof to that in the form of a picture found in Karnak temple, which goes back to the fifteenth century B.C.   It is thought that it was brought to Egypt by Tohotmas III during his wars with Asia.   Another very important proof is the word Gitri in the Coptic language, which was taken from the hieroglyphic language and means sour fruit.   [See also V. Loret, La flore pharaonique (Paris, 1887), p. 47.]

      Tolkowsky (1938) finds such evidence of the antiquity of the citron in Egypt unconvincing and asserts that it relies on doubtful identifications.   He notes that even the French archeologist Victor Loret was forced to admit that the wall-paintings at Karnak were not very clear.   Andrews (1961) agrees that evidence for early establishment of the citron in Egypt is very weak.
      Still more remote is the evidence cited by Killermann (1916) of the finding of seeds in the excavation of the Sumerian ruins of old Nippur in southern Babylonia which V. Frimmel was able to identify as citron seeds.   As these ruins date back to about 4000 B.C., Killermann suggested that the citron was known and possibly used in Mesopotamia in that very ancient period.
      However, Tolkowsky (1938) pointed out that the period to which these seeds belong cannot be precisely dated.   Furthermore, he emphasized that their presence in Nippur does not necessarily indicate that the tree from which they came was cultivated in Babylonia at the time.   If the citron tree had grown there on a limited scale in ancient times, Tolkowsky believed it would have been a common tree during Alexander the Great's conquest in the late fourth century B.C.   Since Greek botanists accompanying Alexander reported the citron was grown only in Persia and Media, Tolkowsky disavows as inconclusive present evidence of the great antiquity of citrus fruits in Mesopotamia, Palestine, and Egypt, which is still further west.
      Tolkowsky is of the opinion that the first attempts to grow the citron tree in Mesopotamia were the work of Alexander's botanical experts.   The citron tree was then introduced throughout the Near East by Greek and later Jewish settlers, and was well acclimatized around the eastern Mediterranean by the beginning of the Christian era.
      The early introduction of the citron into Mesopotamia and even possibly Palestine has been defended by Isaac (1959).   He argues that Tolkowsky has misinterpreted Theophrastus, who wrote that the citron grew only in Media and Persia, and states that the Greeks actually considered the Persian kingdom to embrace the entire Fertile Crescent.   Isaac theorizes that the citron may have spread from southern Arabia and existed in the coastal plains of the Levant coast in the period of the early kings of Judah and Israel.   If this was not the case, he suggests, then the Jews may have become acquainted with the citron during their exile in Mesopotamia in the sixth century B.C.   On this point, however, he is forced to rely on the Nippur archaeological findings and other not totally proven evidence.   Consequently, although Isaac's theories are sound they lean in the direction of his scholarly convictions.   It should be noted that Andrews (1961) also believes citrus was in Mesopotamia at a very early date.   A definitive proof of the cultivation of citron in Mesopotamia earlier than the time of Alexander's conquest must await the work of future archaeologists and scholars.
      The earliest reference to citrus fruits in India appears in the Vajasaneyi samhita, a collection of devotional texts assigned to a period prior to 800 B.C., where the lemon and citron are given the name jambila (Tolkowsky, 1938, p. 23).   Despite the extent of Sanskrit literature, there appears to be little mention of citrus fruits in India prior to the Christian era (Hayes, 1945).   Names for oranges appear for the first time in the oldest existing Sanskrit medical work, the Charaka-Samhita, a treatise that has been dated about 100 A.D.   This and other evidence led Tolkowsky to the view that the orange probably became established in southern Hindustan shortly before the Christian era.

The Citron
      First Citrus Fruit to Reach Europe.—
The citron (Citrus medica L.) was the first citrus fruit to come to the notice of Europeans and was for many years the only one known.   It first attracted attention in Media, where it was then supposed to be indigenous.   Apparently it soon spread into Persia, where it came to the attention of the Hebrews and the Greeks.   Although it is not now considered to be indigenous to Media, the steps by which it was first brought there from its native habitat in India or Indo-China are not known.
      Establishment of the citron in Persia seems to have occurred not later than the first half of the first millenium [sic] B.C.   When Alexander's army passed through the Greek settlements of Persia, his botanists found the citron or "Persian apple" extensively cultivated.   In addition, the Greek settlers recalled that the citron tree had been commonly grown there in the time of Medes, who ruled Persia from the ninth to the middle of the sixth century B.C.
      Possible Reference to Citrus Fruits in the Bible.—It would be reasonable to suppose that the Hebrews, who had easy intercourse with the Assyrians and the Persians, soon learned of this rare and beautiful plant and introduced it into Palestine.   It is therefore astonishing that the Bible, in which figs, grapes, olives, and other important plants are frequently mentioned, contains no direct reference to any citrus fruit.
      The suggestion has been made (Gallesio, 1811) that Moses referred to the citron with the word hadar, as used in the verse, "You shall take, on the first day, fruits of the tree hadar, of palm branches, boughs of the thickest trees, and willows that cross the length of rapid waters and rejoice before the Lord your God" (Lev. 23:40).   As the Jews, at their annual Feast of Tabernacles, were, and are still, accustomed to present themselves in the synagogue carrying in their hands myrtle, willow, and palm boughs to which citrons (Persian apples) are attached (fig. 1-1), it would seem logical to interpret hadar as citron.
      This interpretation was thought by Gallesio to be further confirmed by the finding of Samaritan coins bearing on the one side the lulab of the Jews and on the reverse side a citron (fig. 1-2).   However, Tolkowsky (1938, p. 53) in connection with an illustration of one of these coins, stated: "The very earliest documentary evidence of the citron in Jewish sources is found in the representation of this fruit on coins struck by Simon the Maccabee in the fourth year of the 'Redemption of Zion', that is in 136 B.C."
      Tolkowsky further pointed out that hadar literally means the fruit of the dar tree, that is, of the holy tree of India, the Cedrus deodara.   He suggested that the fruit or cone of this tree was originally used in the Jewish ceremony, apparently adopted through Babylonian influence.   Tolkowsky theorized the citron was substituted for the cedar cone in the Jewish ceremony by Simon the Maccabee, high priest and ruler, in 136 B.C., evidently because the cedar cone, through the influence of the Greeks, had become invested with bacchanalian significance.   If one accepts Tolkowsky, it thus appears that no citrus fruit was even indirectly mentioned in the Bible.
      Here again, however, Isaac (1959) challenges Tolkowsky and much more effectively.   Isaac points out that internal evidence from the text of Leviticus argues against Tolkowsky's theory that the citron was a late substitute for the cedar cone in Jewish ritual, and asserts that nowhere else in the Old Testament, which abounds in botanical references, is the dar tree mentioned.   Andrews (1961) also finds Tolkowsky's argument indefensible, since the Jews were ultraconservative in religious ritual.   Andrews considers the idea of a shift from the cedar cone to the citron to be so radical that it cannot be supported without strong evidence.
      Furthermore, Isaac notes that the first coins depicting the citron have been reassigned by more modern scholarship to the period of the Jewish First Revolt of 66-77 A.D.   (See Goodenough, 1953, p. 276.)   Since the coins are at least two hundred years later than Tolkowsky, Gallesio, and other scholars have previously assumed and were struck at a time when the citron is known to have been well established in Palestine, they obviously have nothing to do with celebrating a change in Jewish ritual.
      Isaac finds Tolkowsky's view of an orderly sequence of plant distribution from Persia through Mesopotamia and finally to Palestine to be naive.   Since cultivated plants such as the citron are "dependent upon human beings for their distribution," he suggests that the citron could well have bypassed Mesopotamia and reached Palestine at an early date.   Andrews (1961), on the other hand, believes that the actual source of hadar is probably the Assyrian adaru (citron), attesting to direct borrowing from Mesopotamia.
      Thus we are left with the creditable, carefully reasoned (but as yet unproven) positions of Isaac (1959) and Andrews (1961) that the hadar of the Bible was the citron and that it was known to the Jews far earlier than Tolkowsky postulates.   Both scholars find no acceptable evidence that the Greeks played a role of any importance in the spread of the citron tree, and agree that the Jews were the transmitters of citron culture to their numerous colonies along the Mediterranean.   By the second century A.D. the citron was widely cultivated around the eastern Mediterranean, since its price was comparable with that of the fig (Tolkowsky, 1938, p. 62).
      References to Citron in Early European Literature.—The citron was known early to the Greeks and the Romans.   Theophrastus, who wrote after the conquests of Alexander had greatly extended the knowledge of the Greeks concerning the region of Media and Persia, gave a very truthful and exact description of the citron:

      Thus one sees in Media and Persia among many other productions the tree called Persian or Median-apple.…Its fruit is not edible but it has an exquisite odor, as also have the leaves which are used as a protection from moths in clothing.   A decoction of the pulp of this fruit is thought to be an antidote to poison, and will also sweeten the breath.…The citron bears fruit continuously; while some fruit is falling with ripeness other fruit is but just starting.…Fruit is given only by the flowers which have in the middle a sort of straight spindle; those which do not have this fall off, producing nothing (Gallesio, 1811, p. 199).

      It will be noticed that the last statement in this quotation foreshadows the recognition of sex in plants, but it was nearly two thousand years later before Camerarius, in 1691, published the first experimental proof of the function of pollen and its necessity in seed formation.
      Vergil (70-19 B.C.) was the first of the Latin writers to describe the citron; like Theophrastus he called it the Median apple and described uses similar to those given by the earlier author.
      Dioscorides, a native of Cilicia who wrote a treatise on Materia Medica between 60 and 79 A.D., spoke of the citron as if it had become well established in the district where he lived.   He referred to it as the Median and Persian apple or Cedromela, and said that the Latins named it Citria (Gunther, 1959).
      Pliny, in his Natural History, published about 77 A.D., gave several names to the citron (malus medica, malus assyria, and citrus) and described its use as a medicine, poison, antidote, perfume, and protection from moths.   He spoke of it as the only plant boasted of in Media and told of the vain attempts to transport it thence to Italy.   However, it has been suggested that the citron tree was grown for ornamental purposes in Italy at the time of Pliny, although such trees may have produced fruit only occasionally (Tolkowsky, 1938).   When Pliny wrote, therefore, it would seem that the citron was known to the Romans primarily as a foreign production.   All writers of this period spoke of it as an exotic fruit, and the available evidence indicates that not until much later did it successfully mature in Italy.   Gallesio (1811, p. 207) quoted evidence which indicates that its failure in Greece, Italy, and France in this early period was due to the extremely cold winters.   The climate of the Mediterranean region, he believed, had become milder a century or two later, when the successful culture of the citron was finally established.   Florentinus, a Greek writer of the third century, spoke of the citron as a tree cultivated not only in warm districts but also in colder sections, where it was covered on the approach of winter (Gallesio, 1811, p. 219).
      Citron Introduced into Italy.—Many early writers, including Clausius, Bauhinus, and Ferrari, attributed the naturalization of the citron in Italy to Palladius, who described the cultivation of citron in his Sardinian and Neapolitan possessions.   According to Gallesio (1811, p. 218), however, Palladius (De re rustica iv. 273) wrote in such a manner as to indicate that the citron was already being grown not only in Sardinia and Naples but also in the north of Italy, where it could not live without artificial shelter.   Historians are not agreed on the time in which Palladius wrote, but the evidence indicates some period in the fourth century, and, as he spoke of the citron as well known, it must have been introduced considerably before his time.   Gallesio concluded (1811, p. 220):

      We must think it probable, then, that this plant, already in Asia Minor and Palestine at the time of Dioscorides and Josephus, passed into Italy about the third century and that in the time of Palladius it was grown not only in parts of Italy where the climate would allow it to grow in the open air, but also in districts less warm, where the luxury and magnificence of Roman grandees built country houses, embellished by art at great expense.

      Tolkowsky (1938, p. 90) gave evidence clearly indicating a much earlier introduction of the citron into Italy.   He stated: "The sculptural panel from the tomb of the Haterii near Rome as well as the wall paintings of Pompeii confirm the statements of Pliny and Petronius to the effect that by the middle of the first century A.D. the citron tree was already naturalized in certain parts of Italy, and that it was no longer only just vegetating there as in the time of Augustus, but was producing flowers and fruits."
      Andrews (1961) is in agreement that archaeological and literary evidence support the net impression that the citron was introduced in Italy about the time of Augustus and by the middle of the first century A.D. was producing fruits in some of the warmer parts of Italy.
      Influence of the Barbaric Invasions.—The barbaric invasions at the close of the fourth century interrupted citron culture in districts where artificial protection was required for its maintenance, for the invaders effaced all traces of luxury by destroying the magnificent homes of the rich Romans.   However, in Sicily, Sardinia, and a large part of the Kingdom of Naples, where the climate was sufficiently mild to permit its growth as a naturalized plant, the citron survived the invasion.
      It was from these countries that the Ligurians took the citron, when in the ninth and tenth centuries they began to contend with the Venetians for the commerce of the East.   By 1003 the citron was much cultivated at Salerno, and in that year a prince of the country sent fruits (poma cedrina) as a gift to some Norman lords who had delivered him from the Saracens.   Gallesio (1811, p. 222) asserted that "it is well known that Liguria has for many centuries provided the Jews of Italy, France, and Germany with citrons."
      The culture of the citron was not extended into the nearby sections of Mentone and Hyères in France until several centuries later, and not until the fifteenth century was the citron grown in orangeries in the colder parts of Europe.

The Sour Orange and the Lemon
      Roman Acquaintance with the Sour Orange and Lemon.—
Gallesio and other modern scholars have concluded that the sour orange (Citrus aurantium L.) and the lemon (C. limon [L.] Burm. f.) were unknown to the Romans.   This prevalent theory was vigorously rebuffed by Tolkowsky, who asserts that the Romans were familiar with both the lemon and orange, although his evidence appears somewhat weak when he seeks to establish that they were also acquainted with the sweet orange.
      From the middle of the first century A.D. to the middle of the second, Roman trade was most active.   Gourmets in Rome paid fantastic sums for exotic delicacies, and it seems probable that oranges and lemons in the freshest state possible occasionally arrived in shipments to Rome.   A mosaic tile floor found in a Roman villa at Carthage, probably of the second century A.D., shows recognizable branches of citron and fruit-bearing lemon trees.   (See Tolkowsky, 1938, p. 100.)
      Evidence that the orange tree was known in Italy before Pompeii was destroyed (about 70 A.D.) is found in a remarkably faithful representation of an orange in a Pompeian mosaic, according to Tolkowsky.   The Roman artist tried to depict the orange as if it had just broken off the tree together with the stem to which leaves and a flower bud are still attached.   The unnatural position of the stem in relation to the fruit indicated to Tolkowsky that the artist was unfamiliar with fruit-bearing trees.   Since the leaf-stalk in the picture was not winged, Tolkowsky theorized that the orange trees grown in Roman gardens were of the sweet variety, and probably not as yet fruit-bearing.
      By the fourth century A.D., Tolkowsky is convinced Italian gardeners had overcome the difficulties of obtaining oranges from trees grown in that country.   That both oranges and lemons were actually grown and bore fruit appears indicated by one of the earliest Christian mosaics, a vaulted ceiling in the mausoleum built by the emperor Constantine the Great (274-337 A.D.) to accommodate the remains of his favorite child, Lady Constantia, who died about 330 A.D.   Citrons, lemons, and oranges are conspicuously depicted in the mosaic, all of them attached to freshly cut branches, covered with green leaves.
      The Lombard invasion of 568 A.D. wrested most of Italy from the Byzantine empire.   The luxurious gardens of the rich were destroyed and with them presumably the delicate citrons, lemon, and orange trees.   Tolkowsky believes that not only the citron but some orange trees as well continued to exist in Sicily, Sardinia, and the region of Naples, which remained in Byzantine possession and where because of a more favorable climate the trees had become naturalized.
      Some students of citrus history still feel Tolkowsky's case for the early introduction of the orange into Europe remains tenuous, since mosaics and paintings could have been made by artists who had seen the orange in travels abroad.   However, it is interesting that Isaac (1959), an ardent critic of some of Tolkowsky's views, credits him with providing sufficient evidence for us to "conclude that the orange and lemon were known in the early Christian centuries."   And certainly it is logical that native tropical plants such as the orange and lemon, which require careful cultivation, might be introduced many times at various periods of history to subtropical regions only to disappear as a result of destructive freezes, disease, and even political upheaval.
      Rise of Mohammedanism Influenced Citrus.—The barbaric invasions (350-400 A.D.) brought to an end the expansion of the Roman Empire, and there was no further extension of Roman commerce.   The next advance in the diffusion of Citrus species came through the rise of Mohammedanism and the expansion of the Arab Empire (570-900 A.D.).   The Roman Empire gradually disintegrated, and the advancing Arab Empire spread through northern Africa and into Spain, entirely surrounding the Mediterranean Sea except for parts of the French and Italian coasts.   Placed in a country strategically situated between the three great divisions of the Eastern Hemisphere, the Arabs also extended their conquests into Asia and Africa far beyond the territory influenced by the Roman Empire.
      With wealth and power at their command, they made great advances in art, science, and agriculture.   They discovered the process of distillation, introduced into Europe the cotton plant and the sugar cane, and gave us our first knowledge of many medicinal plants, perfumes, and aromatics such as musk, nutmegs, mace, and cloves.
      Sour Orange Spread by the Arabs.—That the Arabs were acquainted with the sour orange is shown by the words of one of their writers, Massoudi.   He was quoted by Gallesio (1811, p. 249) as stating that this fruit was brought from India after the year 300 of the Hegira (922 A.D.), was first sown in Oman (part of Arabia), and was carried thence to Iraq (part of old Persia), Syria, Palestine, and Egypt.
      Gallesio and others have relied on this statement as evidence that the Arabs brought the first orange trees from India to western Asia, northern Africa, and southern Europe.   Yet Tolkowsky (1938, p. 124) pointed out that Gallesio used an erroneous translation of Massoudi.   Tolkowsky states: "What Mas'ûdi really wrote is…that Qâher had planted his garden 'with orange trees brought from Basrah and Oman, of such kinds as have (or had) been imported from the lands of India.'"   Apparently the high value attached by the Caliph Qâhar to these trees rested on the fact that they were new varieties, not previously known in Iraq.   Tolkowsky cites other Arab writers in support of his view that the naranj (sour orange) was already well established in Iraq by the time of Massoudi.
      While the earlier theories that orange and lemon trees were introduced by the Arabs from India appear to be erroneous, this in no way detracts from the enormous contribution made by the Moslems in expanding citriculture throughout the countries under their sway.
      Numerous references are found in Arabic literature to citrus fruits and their uses.   The Damascene (Abd-ulfeda) in his Antidotary had a recipe for making oil from oranges and their seeds (oleum de citrangula et oleum citrangulorum seminibus), and Avicenna, a famous Arab herbalist who died in 1037 A.D. gave a recipe of his own invention for making "syrup of alkadere in which he put juice of the bigarade" (sour orange) (Gallesio, 1811, p. 247).
      Thus it is certain that the sour orange was known to the Arabs and they were instrumental in expanding its culture some time during the tenth century A.D. into Persia, Iraq, Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, and apparently later into northern Africa, Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain.
      At the time of the discovery of the route around the Cape of Good Hope to India (1498), the Portuguese found many citrons and sour oranges on the east coast of Africa, but they found these trees only in cultivated gardens.   It seems certain, therefore, that the Arabs, who had penetrated Egypt, Syria, and Barbary in the first years of their conquests, had taken the citron and the sour orange with them.
      Apparently the first description of the sour orange was that given by Albertus Magnus (1193-1280) under the name Arangus.3   He stated that the fruit is short and round, the tree larger and more cold resistant than the citron, the leaves appearing to be divided into two, the largest leaf toward the end standing above the smaller one.   According to Killermann (1916, p. 205), this appears to be not only the first description of the sour orange (Citrus aurantium) but also the first use of the term Arangus (orange), a name which later came to be applied most commonly to the sweet orange.
      Arabs Extended Lemon Culture.—Although much is known with reference to the spread of the lemon into various parts of the world, the exact place and the mode of its origin are still in doubt.   That it must have originated somewhere in the countries of southeastern Asia seems certain.   Laufer (1934, p. 145) pointed out that "the earliest references to the lemon in Chinese records is made by Fan Ch'eng-ta…in his Kwei hai yü heng chi…(preface dated A.D. 1175)," who described the li-mung fruit as being "the size of a large plum; again, it resembles a small orange, and is exceedingly sour to the taste."   Laufer also informed us that "the earliest important description of the lemon [in Chinese] is contained in the Ling wai tai ta…written by Chou K'ü-fei…in A.D. 1178."   This Chinese author described the fruit li-mung as given above and indicated how it was used by the people of Canton.   It was also stated that "some people say that it has come to us from the southern barbarians."   In view of the doubt that still exists concerning the native origin of the lemon, this tradition that it had been received from the "southern barbarians," coupled with the name li-mung, which Laufer stated is foreign to the Chinese language, is important evidence indicating that it was an introduced fruit not native in China.   Laufer concluded that the lemon was introduced into what is now Kwangtung Province in China probably in the early part of the twelfth century.
      Laufer also stated (1934, p. 158): "It is said that the so-called Nabatean Agriculture, written in A.D. 903 by Ibn Wahshiyah…contains an allusion to the lemon…If this be true, it would be the earliest reference to the fruit in the literatures of the world."   He directed attention, however, to a probable error in the translation, which Seidel regarded justly as a transcription of the language of Khasia, a district of India famous for citrus cultivation, so that it is not certain that the lemon is intended.
      The authenticity of Ibn Wahshiyah's reference to the lemon was accepted by To1kowsky.   He pointed out that the Arab agronomist called the lemon hasiâ and added that limûn was the Persian name of the fruit.   Since limûn is also the term generally applied by the Arabs, and since there is no trace of the word hasiâ in their writings, Tolkowsky believed the latter name to be of purely Nabataean origin, thereby pointing to an old established culture of the lemon in Iraq.
      That the lemon was grown in Egypt before 900 A.D., Tolkowsky considered evident from the contents of certain so-called Scalae—glossaries of Coptic, Greek, and Arabic synonyms—found in Egypt and dating back to the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries A.D.   These glossaries contain the equation: kortimos=el-limûn.
      Tanaka (1929, pp. 342-43) said of the lemon: "The writer's critical study clearly shows its early introduction into China during the Sung dynasty (960-1279)."   He also noted the first reference to the invention of lemonade by Mongolians as early as 1299.
      The most enlightening paper on the nativity of the lemon is that of Shiu Iu-nin (1933), who, although not making positive claims, advanced strong evidence indicating that the lemon is native in southeastern China and was well known and cultivated before the Sung dynasty.   He stated: "But in the Lingnan section…of (43)4 these words are found: 'In the fourth year of K'ai Pao…two bottles5 of lemon juice were allowed to be presented to the Emperor.'   The fourth year of K'ai Pao is 971 A.D., which is only eleven years after Emperor Sung T'ai-chu…ascended the throne" (Shiu, p. 281).   Shiu pointed out that the conditions of such an offering to the emperor indicate clearly that the fruit must have been well known and widely grown and used long before that time and thus certainly before the Sung dynasty.
      Shiu (p. 284) also mentioned the statement quoted above from Laufer of the tradition that the lemon had been received from the "southern barbarians," taken from Chou K'ü-fei (1174-1178 A.D.).   Shiu, however, explained that what was known as the "barbarous south" in that period was southern China, as the culture was then mainly developed in central and northern China.   He mentioned other fruits typical of Kwangtung, such as the Lychee and Lungan, which were also then spoken of as fruits of the "barbarous south."
      Glidden (1937), in an exhaustive study of the evidence based on the derivation of native names used in the different countries and the historic evidence available, concluded: "From all the available evidence the lemon seems to be a native of the eastern Himalaya region, as both the geographical distribution and the various names of the fruit testify."   Thus it may be stated that the weight of evidence now available favors southern China and probably Upper Burma as the native home of the lemon.
      The lemon came to attention in Europe a little later than the sour orange, but apparently followed the same general route on its journey there.   Ibn-al-Awâm (1864) in his treatise on agriculture, written in Spain some time in the latter half of the twelfth century, described rather fully the methods of citrus propagation and culture and referred to the citron, the orange (sour), the lemon, and the pummelo or shaddock as if they were well-known fruits.   All of these fruits, furthermore, were discussed in statements that he quoted from Abu'l Khayr, who wrote some time in the first half of the twelfth century.   Thus we may conclude with reasonable certainty that by about 1150 A.D. the citron, the sour orange, the lemon, and the shaddock had been introduced by the Arabs into Spain and the countries of northern Africa.
      The lemon was not mentioned by the Damascene or by Avicenna, but was described in all the works of Arabian writers of the twelfth century, especially by Ibn al-Baitar (1197-1248 A.D.) (Gallesio, 1811, p. 250; Laufer, 1934, p. 158), who had an article on it in his dictionary of simple remedies.   It is certain that the culture of the lemon, as well as the sour orange, was furthered by the Arabs in Persia and Palestine, and, by the beginning of the twelfth century, the lemon was being commonly grown in those countries.   Evidently it was also taken to the countries of northern Africa and into Spain, as was the sour orange.
      It may also be assumed that the Mazoe lemon, found in recent years by English settlers apparently growing wild along streams in Southern Rhodesia, was introduced by the Arabs.   Vasco da Gama (1898) arrived at Mombasa on April 7, 1498, and in the account of his voyage described the place as "a city of great trade with many ships.   The King sent to the explorers a large boat laden with fowls, sheep, sugar canes, citrons, lemons, and large sweet oranges, the best that had ever been seen."   Thus it would appear that the lemon had been introduced into this section by the Arabs, and probably also the Mazoe type, which later became feral.   The Mazoe lemon is identical with the Florida rough lemon, which was introduced into Florida by the Spanish voyagers slightly later, and there also became feral.   It is likewise identical with the jamberi lemon of India.
      Influence of Crusades in Extending Citrus Culture.—Following the activity of the Arabs in spreading citrus culture, the next great advance in extending these fruits into Europe came through the Crusades, the great religious movement which began at the close of the eleventh century.   The Crusades opened to the peoples of Europe the entrance to Syria and Palestine, which had been closed by the expansion of the Arab Empire, and reawakened among them the spirit of commerce and a taste for arts and luxury.   The Crusaders were not common soldiers but were men of the highest class and rank who joined the movement in a spirit of religious fervor to win the universe for Christianity.   They entered Asia Minor as conquerors and thence spread as traders into all parts of Asia.   Naturally they were attracted by the desirable products of art and agriculture in the new lands and coveted them for their homes, to which they expected to return.   It is not surprising, therefore, to find that in this period Europe was enriched with many valuable products, among them the apricot, the sour orange, and the lemon.
      Sour Orange, Lemon, and Lime Introduced by Crusaders.—The lemon, the lime, and the sour orange were mentioned by European historians only after the period of the Crusades.   Hence, it seems certain that these fruits must have been brought to Liguria and to other parts of Italy and France by the Crusaders.   In his History of Jerusalem, Jacques de Vitry, a bishop and historian of the thirteenth century who had been in Palestine with the Crusaders, described the interesting citrus fruits found there (Gallesio, 1811, p. 256).   The Adam's Apple (shaddock), the lemon, the citron, and the sour orange are among the trees which he mentioned and regarded as foreign to Europe.
      Sylvaticus of Mantua (Italy), who wrote about the middle of the thirteenth century (Gallesio, 1811, p. 266), described the citron, the sour orange, the lemon, and a fruit commonly called lima (probably what we now know as the lime).   At this time the culture of these four fruits in Liguria had evidently made considerable progress, for he stated that they were very well known.
      It is true that the citron, the orange, and the lemon had already been grown in many parts of Italy, but it is likely that the contraction of the area over which they had been grown, caused by the barbaric invasions of several centuries before, had left citrus culture limited to the warm islands of the Mediterranean, and to Sicily and Sardinia.   If this was the situation, then, owing to the difficulty of communication and the general illiteracy of the age, it is not surprising that citrus may have been forgotten by the peoples of southern Europe.

The Sweet Orange
      First European Reference to Sweet Orange.—
Although Tolkowsky theorized that the sweet orange (Citrus sinensis [L.] Osbeck) grew in Italy during the early Christian era, traces of its culture vanishing during the barbaric invasions, there is no written evidence of the actual culture of sweet oranges in southern Europe until the fifteenth century.
      Some historians of citriculture have maintained that no sweet oranges were grown in Europe until the Portuguese brought the first trees from India or the Far East after they discovered the direct sea-route around the Cape of Good Hope.   Tolkowsky, however, has asserted that the sweet orange tree must have already been established in the Mediterranean regions of Europe prior to Vasco da Gama's voyage of discovery of 1497 A.D.   He cites as one direct documentary proof a letter written on June 29, 1483 by the king of France, Louis XI, to Francois de Genas, governor of the province of Languedoc (Tolkowsky, p. 238).   Louis XI requests that the governor send him "citrons and sweet oranges , muscatel pears and parsnips, and it is for the holy man who eats neither meat nor fish and you will be doing me a very great pleasure."   Since the holy man referred to is Saint Francis of Paula, who had just arrived at the court of Louis XI, Tolkowsky considered it probable that the pious monk had already become accustomed to eating sweet oranges in his native country of Calabria.
      By the beginning of the sixteenth century, there was abundant evidence showing that the sweet orange had become well established and had assumed commercial importance in southern Europe.   It does not seem to have been widely cultivated until toward the middle of the fifteenth century.
      Portugal Orange Not the First Importation.—The path by which the sweet orange first reached Europe is difficult to trace.   Many early writers believed that voyagers brought it to Portugal shortly after Vasco de Gama rounded Cape Horn and reached India in 1498.   Valmont be Bomare (1764), for example, stated in his Dictionary of Natural History that the first imported tree, from which came all the sweet orange trees of Europe, was at that time still growing at Lisbon in the garden of the Count St. Laurent (Gallesio, 1811, p. 297).   Apparently the general application of the name Portugal orange to the sweet orange came from the belief in its origin from this tree.   Gallesio (1811, p. 298), however, pointed out that this name was not known in Europe until about the middle of the seventeenth century and that previous to that time the fruit had been known under the simple name of orange douce (sweet orange).   He also pointed out that the Portuguese did not reach China until 1518 and that João de Castro, who is credited with having brought the tree to Portugal, was born in 1500 and could not have returned from his first voyage until about 1520.
      Vasco da Gama, in relating the story of his voyage (1498), as written by a Florentine who was on his vessel, said that in India there were many orange trees, but all with sweet fruit.   If the sweet orange were at that time unknown to da Gama, it would seem astonishing that he failed to describe it as different from the known sorts.
      None of the travelers of this epoch showed surprise at sight of this fruit, as they did on seeing many others, from which it may be deduced that they were already familiar with the sweet orange and that it was no longer a novelty.
      Sweet Orange Widely Grown in Early Sixteenth Century.—Many writers at the beginning of the sixteenth century mentioned the sweet orange, and all of them spoke of it as an old tree of unknown origin.
      Matioli, famous for his work an botany, in his translation of Dioscorides printed in 1540, regarded the sweet orange as an ancient tree.   Augustino Gallo, in his work on agriculture published in 1569, spoke of the sweet orange as a plant whose cultivation dated from time immemorial and told of an old cultivator at Salo, ninety years of age, who could not remember the planting of the trees existing in his time.
      Navagero, in his Spanish Voyage, published in 1525, described the prodigious trees in the kitchen garden of the King at Sevilla, all of which were sweet oranges.   Possibly most important of all, as proving the wide distribution of this species at the beginning of the sixteenth century, is the statement of the learned monk, Leandro Alberti, who traveled in Italy in 1523.   He stated that he saw immense plantations of orange, lemon, and citron trees in Sicily, Calabria, upon the borders of the river Salo in Liguria, and in many other places.   He expressly stated that a great number of varieties were cultivated and that most of them had sweet fruit.   (See Gallesio, 1811, pp. 302-03.)
      Gallesio (1811, p. 322) also described two documents, found in the archives of the city of Savona, which he considered important evidence as showing the presence of the sweet orange in Europe at the end of the fifteenth century.   One, under date of May 27, 1471, is an account of an expedition to deliver a gift of fruits from the city of Savona to an ambassador at Milan.   From the wording it would appear that the fruits must have been sweet oranges, though they were designated merely as citruli.   The second document, dated February 12, 1472, is a bill of sale of 15,000 citranguli, received by the notary Pierre Corsaro.   Gallesio concluded from the conditions and wording of this bill that the citranguli were undoubtedly sweet oranges.
      It is clearly impossible that this extensive culture of the sweet orange in Liguria at the beginning of the sixteenth century could have come from the Portuguese importation, since that did not take place earlier than the beginning of that century (perhaps about 1520).
      In explaining why there are few references to sweet oranges in European literature prior to 1500 A.D., Tolkowsky noted that most oranges—sweet or sour—were used as condiments for fish and meat and rarely eaten as fresh fruit.   The sweet oranges cultivated in Europe prior to the Portuguese importation were probably of inferior fragrance and taste.   Once the Portuguese began importing new varieties from Asia, however, the demand for sweet oranges quickly exceeded that for sour fruit.   Culture of the new type of sweet oranges soon became an important factor in the economic life of Portugal and rapidly spread into other Mediterranean countries.
      Sweet Orange Arrived over Genoese Trade Route.—Gallesio concluded from his study of historic evidence that the sweet orange probably reached Europe first through the commercial trade route established and maintained by the Genoese.   The Crusaders had stimulated in Europe a desire for the luxuries of the East.   The religious movement, long continued, led to the revival of trade and finally to the establishment of two great trade routes, one from Genoa and the other from Venice, which were operated on an extensive scale and under great difficulty through several centuries.   Hosts of highly intelligent men seeking honor and wealth joined the traders and, disguised as Arabs or by other means, penetrated Arabia, Palestine, and India.
      The maintenance of these trade routes stimulated the Arabians and those having connection with India and the East to search for and procure the novel articles of commerce sought by the European traders.
      It can scarcely be doubted, therefore, that the sweet orange which is mentioned in literature of the fifteenth century reached Europe sometime in the early part of that century, probably over the Genoese trade route.
      Portuguese Made Important Introduction.—Although the sweet orange had been introduced into Europe at least a century before the Portuguese reached China, it seems certain that the Portuguese contributed much to the spread and popularization of orange growing by introducing a superior variety.   This new variety, which later came to be known as the Portugal orange, evidently stimulated the industry much as the introduction of the Washington navel stimulated orange culture in California.   The mother tree of the variety was evidently the imported tree from China described by Valmont de Bomare (1764) as "still growing in the Garden of the Count St. Laurent" at Lisbon.
      This also was evidently the variety (Aurantium olysiponense) referred to by Ferrari (1646, p. 425) in the statement: "Just recently there has been sent to Rome to the garden of Pios and Barberinos from Lisbon a beautiful tree with golden fruit.   Some say the tree has come originally from China, hence, it is sometimes called Chinese or Sinensian tree."   Ferrari's illustration of the fruit of this tree indicated a fairly good, smooth, thin-skinned, spherical type (fig. 1-3).   It was further stated:

      The shape of its leaves and flowers is the same as other citrus trees.   It surpasses others only in this, that a crushed leaf smells more alluring.   The fruit is decidedly round in shape with a skin, if you look at it carefully, that is granular and most glowingly and delightfully yellow.   The pulp extends to the very outer rind, and has a sweet and most pleasingly spicy taste.   The pulp and juice are so golden in color one would think gold had been melted away into its juice.   This fruit although it has a very slight acidity is a sweet and fragrant morsel for anyone's palate.   (Hawkinson, 1936).

      Ferrari described other sweet oranges but singled out this Portugal orange as something new and good.   This was in 1646, about a century after its importation into Portugal, indicating how slowly such valuable plants were disseminated.
      These statements of Ferrari, together with our knowledge of the wide diffusion of the Portugal orange under that name, indicate clearly that the Portuguese did introduce a sweet orange that had a profound influence on the industry.

The Lime
      Apparently the first mention of the lime in literature was made by Abd-Allatif in the thirteenth century.   Gallesio (1811, p. 33) stated that his "balm lemon of smooth skin the size of a pigeon's egg" was apparently identical with the species of lime of Naples.   Evidently, therefore, the lime also was known to the Arabs, who probably played a major role in spreading its culture through India to Persia, Palestine, Egypt, and Europe.   The first mention of the lime, under that name, according to T. W. Brown (1924, p. 74), was apparently by Sir Thomas Herbert (Travels, 1677), who spoke of finding "oranges, lemons, and limes" on the island Mohelia (Mohéli of the Comoro group, off Mozambique) during a voyage begun in 1626.   However, as has been stated previously, Sylvaticus in the middle of the thirteenth century spoke of a fruit vulgarly called lima which apparently was what we now know as the lime (Gallesio, 1811, p. 268).   Sir George Watt (1889-1893) stated that the Arabic word limoon through the Persian is the Hindi word lime or limbu, probably adopted by the Sanskrit people for this fruit and used with little change in most languages.
      According to T. W. Brown (1924), the first reference to the lime in Egypt was that made by Thevenot, who in his description of the Mataria garden in 1657 "alludes to 'des petits limons' and these could hardly have been anything else but limes."   However, Tolkowsky has noted a reference in one of the stories of the Arabian Nights to "Egyptian limes and Sultania oranges and citrons."   These ancient tales were collected in their present form about 1450 A.D.

The Mandarin Orange
      The mandarin orange (Citrus reticulata Blanco), which is a native of China and south-eastern Asia, was not taken to Europe during ancient and medieval times but was known and extensively planted in China and Japan at a very early date.   As has already been stated, several clearly distinct varieties were described in 1178 A.D. in the Chü lu (Han Yen-chih, 1923).   The variety Chen kan or Ju kan (Milk orange of Wên-chou) described by Han, according to the studies of Tanaka (1932, p. 7)

became famous in Japan, not only from the excellence of the original text, but from the admiration of Li Shih-Chen, the author of the Pen ts'ao kang mu, or Standard Chinese herbal.   There is, however, a diversity of opinions about the identity of the Ju kan with the orange grown in Japan.   The author of Wakan Sansai Dzue (A.D. 1713) identifies it as the Japanese Kunembo (true Citrus nobilis Lour. [now C. reticulata Blanco]), while the authors of Zôtei Nankai Hôfu (1867) and Yamato Honzo (A.D. 1761) make it identical with the Kishu Mikan or the Kinokuni (C. kinokuni Hort.).

      According to Tanaka, the first reference to the orange of Wên-chou in Japanese literature "is perhaps a citation in Isei Teikin Orai, one of the oldest books of family letter writing, composed by Kokwan (1278-1346 A.D.)."   It is thus evident that varieties of the mandarin orange reached Japan about the time that the orange and the lemon reached Europe.   They were not introduced into Europe and America until modem times.   The first mandarin tree was brought to England from China in 1805, and the mandarin spread from England first to Malta, and then to Sicily and continental Italy (Tolkowsky, 1938, p. 216).

The Pummelo and the Grapefruit
      The pummelo or shaddock (Citrus grandis [L.] Osbeck) in its journey to Europe apparently followed about the same path as the sweet and sour oranges.   The intermediate steps in its passage, however, are less perfectly known, perhaps because no particular use was made of its fruits.   The Adam's Apple, a form of the shaddock, was mentioned by an anonymous pilgrim as growing in Palestine in the year 1187 (Tolkowsky, 1938, p. 139); Jacques de Vitry, about the middle of the thirteenth century, also mentioned it among the fruits of Palestine.   Ibn-al-Awâm (1864), writing in Spain in the latter half of the twelfth century, described what is interpreted as being the Adam's Apple under the names zamboa and bustanbûn, quoting from Abu'l Khayr (first half of the twelfth century).   From the statements of Abu'l Khayr and al-Awâm it would seem that the Adam's Apple and perhaps other forms of the pummelo or shaddock had already arrived in Spain by the middle of the twelfth century, having been brought there by the Arabs.   Since Ferrari (1646) described and illustrated several varieties of the pummelo, it must have reached Europe fairly early.
      Alphonse de Candolle (1886, p. 177) stated:

      The number of varieties in the Malay Archipelago indicates an ancient cultivation.   Its original country is not yet known because the trees which appear indigenous may be the result of naturalization following frequent cultivation.   Roxburgh (1832, vol. 3, p. 393) says that the species was brought to Calcutta from Java.

      In the Friendly Islands and the Fijis, the very widespread existence of the pummelo or shaddock in the wild indicates that it may be indigenous there.   A consideration of the evidence available seems to indicate that it may safely be considered as indigenous in the Malayan and Indian archipelagos and to have spread from there to China and India, and thence to Persia, Palestine and Europe.
      Plukenet (1696, p. 239), in his Almagestum botanicum, mentioned the shaddock, which indicates that it had been introduced into the West Indies prior to that time.   It was also described in the same year by Sloane (1696) as occurring in Jamaica.   Later Sloane (1707, vol. 1, p. 41) stated: "The Seed of this [the shaddock] was first brought to Barbados by one Captain Shaddock, Commander of an East India ship, who touch'd at that Island in His passage to England, and left its Seed here."6   The date of the importation was not given, but as the shaddock was recorded as being cultivated in both Barbados and Jamaica in 1696 the importation probably occurred some decades prior to that date.
      The grapefruit, which probably originated as a mutation or sport from the shaddock, was first described under the name "forbidden fruit" by Griffith Hughes in 1750 from Barbados.
      Establishment of Orangeries.—In the early growing of oranges and other citrus fruits, which were highly prized, frost injury caused much difficulty.   Then came the first efforts of civilized man to grow tender, exotic plants under special shelters, a development that finally led to the establishment of hothouse or greenhouse culture.   Early accounts contain many references to different methods of protection which were used to preserve citrons and oranges from cold injury.
      As early as the latter half of the first century B.C., Seneca wrote in his ninetieth epistle that panes of mica had come into use—not only for windows, but as a means of protecting the more delicate plants grown in Roman gardens against the cold (Tolkowsky, 1938, p. 91).   The poet Martial (about 81-96 A.D.) taunts a friend in an epigram for being kinder to his flowers and young trees than to the writer, since he keeps the former under mica to protect them from the wind and cold air and yet permit the warm rays of the sun to reach them.   It is doubtful whether the desire to protect tender citrus trees was the stimulating influence in the first use of greenhouses, but such structures later became commonly known as "orangeries."
      Apparently by the fourteenth century, fanciers were using specially heated buildings to provide an artificial climate.   These special houses, known by ancient writers as stanzone per i cidri (see fig. 1-4) were erected primarily for the culture of citrons and oranges.   They came to be used in all parts of Europe, and, although used for many exotic plants, were designated "orangeries."   Thus originated greenhouses and greenhouse culture.

The Americas
      Closing of Trade Routes by the Turks and Discoveries in Navigation Extended Citrus to America.—
It remains to inquire how citrus fruits reached the Western Hemisphere, where natural wild groves of sour and sweet oranges, lemons, and limes were found in the various sections when they finally came to be settled, and yet where no Citrus species is supposed to be indigenous.
      Here again an upheaval of human relations that interrupted existing conditions led to the further advance of the Citrus tribe.   In 1453, Constantinople fell before the Turks, and throughout the next century Turkish pressure upon Europe was continuous and severe.   The great trade routes to India from Venice and Genoa were almost completely closed.   All over Europe, traders were speculating on new routes to India and the East.
      Sailing ships had been much improved and the science of navigation had been much extended and perfected.   It was at this time that Columbus conceived the great idea of reaching India by sailing westward.   As we know, he did not reach India, but on an October day in 1492 he landed on the shores of the New World.
      Six years later Vasco da Gama, a Portuguese navigator, rounded the southernmost point of Africa and finally reached India.   There followed a period of extraordinary activity in the discovery and exploitation of the world's natural resources.   Products of the Old World were taken to America and those of America brought back to enrich Europe.   The Spanish and Portuguese were leaders in these explorations and were the first to establish colonies in America.   Trade relations with America were considered so important in Spain that a powerful governing board for American trade, the Casa de Contratación, was organized in 1505.   For many years it directed activities in outfitting expeditions and provided for the exchange of valuable seeds and plants (Puente y Olea, 1900).
      No Citrus Species Native in America.—That citrus fruits were not known in America at the time of the discovery is clearly indicated by the fact that the accounts and narratives of the early explorers contain no reference to these valuable plants, although they do describe many new fruits and plants, and the beautiful gardens of Montezuma.   That no Citrus species is indigenous to America is a fact now recognized by authorities.   By the middle of the sixteenth century, however, numerous statements in the literature of the period make mention of the presence of several species in widely different localities.
      Columbus Introduced Citrus into America, November 22, 1493.—It probably cannot be assumed that Columbus on his first expedition took citrus seeds to America, there to be planted or scattered, as his first voyage was primarily one of discovery, and inasmuch as both the fort and the settlement that he established at La Navidad were destroyed after he left.   On his second voyage, however, he went prepared to establish settlements, taking the seeds, plants, and domestic animals that were considered necessary and important.   It was this voyage (1493) that resulted in the first permanent settlement in the New World, that on the island of Haiti.
      At this period, citrus fruits, particularly the sweet orange, were greatly prized throughout the Mediterranean countries, and, as we have seen, efforts were being made to extend their culture by the use of orangeries (greenhouses).   It is scarcely conceivable that an expedition at this time would set out from Spain to a subtropical country with colonization in view without taking a stock of seeds or plants of a fruit as much prized as the orange.
      Puente y Olea (1900, p. 375) wrote:

      The first plants from the Old World were planted on the island of Hispaniola [Haiti] immediately after its discovery and it is known that Christopher Columbus on his second voyage, for which he had been provided with supplies of every sort and which he made in the company of 17 vessels and about 2,000 men, brought with him seeds of various kinds, and also useful animals for propagation on this island.   It is likewise known that by order of Queen Isabella a certain number of farmers embarked in his ships and according to Angleria (Peter Martyr)7 artisans of many kinds, who shall build there a city.

      Columbus on this expedition did establish a settlement at Isabella in Haiti and the colonists developed successful gardens, as is shown by later testimony.   It can scarcely be doubted that, among their other cultivations, trees of the sweet orange, the sour orange, the lemon, the citron, and probably the lime, the types with which the Spanish and Portuguese were at that time familiar, were included.
      Bartolomé de Las Casas in his Historia de las Indias, the manuscript of which was written in the period between 1520 and 1559 (Las Casas, 1875-1876), gave a definite account of the taking of citrus seeds to America by Columbus on his second expedition, which sailed from the Bay of Cadiz, Spain, on September 25,1493.
      According to the statement of Las Casas (vol. 1, chap. 83, p. 3), Columbus, with his fleet of seventeen vessels, proceeded southwest to the Grand Canary Island and thence on October 5, 1493, to the island of Gomera, also one of the Canary group, where a stop was made.   Las Casas stated that "during this time, with great haste he [Columbus] provided himself with some cattle, which he and those who came there with him bought.…They bought hens and also grains, and seeds of oranges, lemons, and citrons, melons, and all kinds of vegetables; and this was the origin of everything that is there (that is in Hispaniola) today of the things of Castile."   According to this account of Las Casas, Columbus at Gomera awaited favorable winds and finally set sail on October 13, arriving at Hispaniola (Haiti) on November 22, 1493.   Then followed the establishment of the new colony of Isabella, where orchards and gardens were subsequently planted.
      The statements of Las Casas provide positive evidence that orange, lemon, and citron seeds were taken to America from the island of Gomera.   It seems peculiar that, in outfitting the expedition, supplies of this sort were not procured in Spain, where, as previously described, all these fruits were then cultivated and highly prized.   It is probable, however, that the season's citrus crop in Spain was not sufficiently matured to be used for seed when Columbus left on September 25, and that he definitely planned to secure stocks of such seeds in the Canary Islands, where the season of ripening is earlier.
      That oranges were grown in the Canary Islands at that time (1493) is indicated in Louis de Cadamosto's account of his voyage to Guinea, written in 1463, in which he spoke of oranges as being well known in the Canaries (Gallesio, 1811, p. 227).
      Orange Reached Continental America, July 12, 1518.—Perhaps the first mention of citrus in continental America (tierra firme) is in an old manuscript, written in 1568 by Bernal Díaz del Castillo,8 which is to be found in the official archives of Guatemala.   In Maudslay's English translation of the work, entitled The True History of the Conquest of New Spain (1908, vol. 1, p. 62), the statement is made that in the original manuscript the following passage had been blotted out:

      I sowed the seeds of some oranges near to another Idol house, and it happened thus:—There were so many mosquitoes near the river that ten of us soldiers went up to sleep in a lofty Idol house, and close by that house I sowed the seeds which I had brought from Cuba, for there was a rumor that we were coming back to settle.   They came up very well, for it seems that the papas (priests) when they saw that they were plants differing from those they knew, protected them and watered them and kept them free from weeds and all the oranges in that province are the descendents of these plants.   I know well that these old tales have nothing to do with any history, so I must leave off telling them.

      Maudslay also stated that the Alonzo Remon edition added to this passage the following:

      And I have called this to mind because these were the first oranges planted in New Spain.   After the fall of Mexico, when the towns subject to Coatzacoalcos had been pacified, this was looked upon as the best province, being the best suited in all New Spain, both on account of the mines it possessed as well as for its good harbour, for it was a land both rich in gold and in pasture for cattle.   For this reason it was settled by the principal conquistadores of Mexico, of whom I was one.   So I went back to look for my orange trees and transplanted them, and they turned out very well.

      This statement, translated from the original manuscript, where it was blotted out as data "irrelevant to history," is of great interest to the citrus industry.   Certainly Díaz would not have thought of making such a statement had there not been some foundation for it in fact.   At the end of the paragraph he stated that it had "nothing to do with any history," and this is clearly the reason it was blotted out.   Maudslay, the translator, pointed out the frequent statements in the manuscript which indicate the author's indecision concerning what should be considered important historic data and his timidity concerning his own ability to write history.
      In Díaz' manuscript, this quotation is near the end of Book II, which deals with his early voyages to Central America and Mexico in connection with the expedition of Juan de Grijalva.   According to the notes of the translator (Maudslay), Grijalva's expedition left Cuba on April 8, 1518, and returned to Cuba on November 15, 1518.   It reached the town of Tonalá by the Río de Tonalá (San Antón) in Vera Cruz on July 12, 1518, and remained there from July 12 to July 20.   We thus have definite evidence that orange seeds were planted in continental America between July 12 and July 20, 1518.
      Since we know that the orange must have appeared in continental America at about this time, we are probably justified in accepting Díaz' statement as being fairly definite evidence of its first introduction into the country.
      It should be remembered, however, that the coast of Darien (Panama) was reconnoitered by Rodrigo de Bastidas as early as 1501, and that permanent settlements were made in 1509 by the Spaniards at Antigua, Nombre de Dios, and Uraba under the rival leaderships of Alonso de Ojeda and Diego de Nicuesa.   The Casa de Contratación, organized in Spain in 1505 to promote the exchange of products and supplies between the Old World and the New World, was already in operation at the time of the 1509 voyages of Ojeda and Nicuesa, and it is probable that citrus seeds and possibly plants were taken by these expeditions and planted where settlements were made.   It is not improbable, therefore, that earlier references to citrus plantings in continental America than those now known may ultimately be found.
      The Spread of Citrus in the Americas.—The naturalist Oviedo y Valdéz (1547, libro viii, cap. 1), who was in Santo Domingo, Haiti, from 1514 to 1525, wrote as follows:

      Orange trees from Castile were brought to this island of Hispaniola [Haiti], and they have multiplied so abundantly that now they are past counting; the fruit is very good, both the sweet and the sour.   They grow in this city of Santo Domingo and all over the islands wherever Christians have their estates and gardens.   And what is true here is equally true in the other islands, and also on the main land wherever there are settlements of Spaniards.…There are many lemon trees and limes, and many citrons, and as I have already said great quantities of each; and the quality is uniformly good—Andalusia itself has no superior (1851-1855 ed.).

      Slightly later, Gómara (1554, p. 457) also referred to oranges as having become abundant in Central America.   He wrote: "Fruits of acid and juice such as oranges and sugar cane have multiplied abundantly."
      In the first century after the discovery (about 1550), Acosta (1590, libro iv, cap. 31) also found citrus trees growing in abundance in the West Indies.   In the quaint words of the Grimston translation of Historia natural y moral de las Indias made in 1604 he stated:

      As for those trees that have most aboundantly fructified, be orange trees, limons, citrons, and others of that sort.   In some parts there are at this day, as it were, whole woods and forests of orange trees; and which seeming strange unto me, I asked who had planted the fields with so many orange trees? they made mee answer, that it did come by chaunce, for that oranges being fallen to the ground, and rotten, their seeds did spring, and of those which the water had carried away into diverse partes, these woods grew so thicke, which seemed to me a very good reason.   I have saide that this fruite hath generally increased most at the Indies, for that I have not beene in any place but I finde orange trees, for that all their sayle [soil] is hote and moist, which this tree most desires.   There growes not any uppon the Sierra or mountains, but they carry them from the vallies or sea coast.   The conserve of oranges which they do make at the Ilands is the best I have seene anie where.9

      It is also interesting to note from this statement that a conserve, probably similar to marmalade, was in use at this early date.
      It was at about the same period that the principal citrus fruits were introduced into Brazil by the Portuguese.   Navarro de Andrade (1933) quoted the following statement from the notes of Rudolpho Garcia on page 117 of the Historia gerai do Brazil, which was taken from a document of 1540: "On the island of Cananea and on the mainland (tierra firme) there have been propagated and grown many oranges, lemons and citrons and many other trees."
      Fra Camillo Torrend, S.J., of the Colegio Antonio Vieira, Bahia, Brazil, stated10 that the Jesuits arrived in Bahia in 1549, the first place in which they established themselves.   The grounds surrounding their residences were soon transformed into beautiful orchards, which included many citrus trees.   In a letter dated 1583,11 Fernão Cardim wrote: "The orchard of the college is planted with many spine trees (arvores de espinho), i.e. oranges, lemons, etc."
      Similar statements with reference to the early dissemination of citrus in America, according to Gallesio (1811, p. 347), were made by Pisonis concerning Brazil and by Garcilaso de la Vega concerning Peru.   Garcilaso (1609) was quoted as stating: "Before the Spanish conquered Peru it is certain one saw there neither…oranges, citrons, sour or sweet,…which grow in Spain.   But one can say in truth that all these fruits and many others grow there today in abundance."
      In the first half of the seventeenth century, the accounts of the Spanish and Portuguese voyagers contained many references to the spread of citrus in the New World.   Quotations from some of these were given by Puente y Olea (1900) in his description of the work of the Casa de Contratación.   One of the most important references given is a quotation with reference to Peru from Bernabé Cobo, author of Historia del nuevo mundo, who wrote in 1653.   Cobo stated:

      There are in this country all the varieties of oranges which there are in Spain; some with a thin skin, others called cageles, with a thick; some sweet, others sour; but all in brief large and heavy and filled with juice.…Sweet and sour limes and lemons of exceptional fragrance grow to good size and are also very juicy.   The large lemons, called the Royal are not so abundant as the small.   The first oranges in this city of Lima were planted by one of its first inhabitants, a man named Baltasar Gago, in his own garden a half league from the city, and there the first orange trees are still to be seen alive.   When I first came to Lima there were no sweet lemons either in the city or elsewhere in the realm; but now in this district we have had them for twenty years; both the large lemons called the Royal and the smaller lemons with a heavy fragrance (Ceuties) and every day they are becoming more abundant.12

      From the statements cited above—and many other similar statements could be given—it is clear that oranges, lemons, limes, and citrons had been distributed widely in the Americas by the middle of the sixteenth century and had become very abundant and even feral in some places.

      Orange, Lemon, and Pummelo Reached Southern Africa, June 11, 1654.—
The paths traveled by the various species of Citrus in their early march toward commercialization have been indicated in preceding sections.   By the close of the fifteenth century the different species had reached almost all the tropical and subtropical sections of the Eastern Hemisphere except southern Africa.   Here exact evidence of the date of their introduction and first fruiting was given in the daily journal of events kept by Van Riebeeck, the first governor of the Dutch colony at Capetown (see Leibbrandt, 1897; and Webber, 1925, p. 10).   The first sweet orange trees were brought from the island of St. Helena by the ship "Tulp," which arrived at Capetown on June 11, 1654, and were planted in the governor's private garden.   On July 25, 1661, the first fruits produced by the trees from St. Helena ripened and were plucked and tested by the governor and found "to be good."   Meanwhile other trees had been received from India, and at this time (July, 1661) it was stated that there were 1,162 young orange, lemon, and pummelo (shaddock) trees growing in the governor's garden.   (See also Webber, 1943.)
      The island of St. Helena was commonly used by the early voyagers to India as a stopping place for supplies and water, and evidently the orange, and perhaps other citrus trees, had been taken there from India and planted, as an intermediate point in their transfer to Europe.

      Orange Introduced into Australia in 1788.—
Citrus was first planted in New South Wales by the colonists of the First Fleet under Captain Arthur Phillip, who sailed for Australia in 1787 with instructions to introduce plants and seeds at his discretion (Bowman, 1955).   At Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, where the expedition stopped for one month, the colonists purchased orange, lime, and lemon trees.   On arrival at Port Jackson on January 26, 1788, the first work performed was the planting of the seeds and plants obtained in the voyage from England.   According to Bowman (1955), oranges, limes and lemons were flourishing at the end of the first year of settlement.
      Shortly after 1800, an orangery was begun at Seven Hills, which was to become the most famous grove of its day.   By 1828, exports of oranges and lemons were being made from New South Wales to Van Diemen's Land (Bowman, 1955).   An 1828 catalogue of the Botanic Gardens at Sydney lists twenty-one varieties of oranges and mandarins as being grown, the mandarins indicating that trade had been established with China at an early date.   The most interesting item on this list, however, is the Washington navel or Bahia orange, which had such a profound effect in stimulating the development of the citrus industry in California, first fruiting in that state in 1878.   Coit (1915, p. 14) reports that this Brazilian variety "was grown commercially and was marketed under the name of Bahia, or Navel orange, as early as 1860."

The Spread of Citrus into Florida and South Carolina
      Introduced into Florida About 1565.—
The exact date of the introduction of citrus fruits into Florida is unknown.   It is certain, however, that they were brought in by the early Spanish explorers and colonists some time between 1513, when Ponce de León first landed in Florida, and 1565, when St. Augustine, the first colony in Florida, was established.
      The first reference to the occurrence of oranges in Florida appears in a statement by Pedro Menéndez to the Audiencia of Santo Domingo, dated at St. Augustine, April 2, 1579.   He stated: "There are beginning to be many of the fruits of Spain, such as figs, pomegranates, oranges, grapes in great quantity; there are many mulberries from the mulberry trees produced in this same soil, etc."13
      From Menéndez' comments, it would seem that oranges were being produced in abundance in St. Augustine in 1579, thirteen years after the arrival of the first settlers there.   We are justified, therefore, in assuming that sour oranges, sweet oranges, and probably lemons, limes, and citrons were introduced in 1565, when the settlement was first established at St. Augustine.
      First Plantings in South Carolina Made Before 1577.—It is well known that oranges in small quantities have been grown for many years in South Carolina and Georgia, particularly on certain islands adjacent to the coast.   It is therefore interesting to know that Bartolomé Martínez in a letter to the King dated at Havana, February 17, 1577, stated: "And what may be truthfully told to your Majesty is that in Santa Elena [Parris Island, South Carolina] I planted with my own hands grape vines, pomegranate trees, orange and fig trees; wheat, barley, onions, and garlic."14   Martinez had lived in Santa Elena until 1576.   His garden therefore was planted before 1577, the date of his statement.
      It is clear from this evidence that citrus fruits were introduced into several sections of the southeastern United States in the latter part of the sixteenth century.
      Wild Orange Groves Developed in Florida.—The early settlers in Florida some two centuries later found wild citrus groves in various parts of the state, some of them many acres in extent, which are supposed to have developed from seeds dropped by the Indians, to whom fruits had been given.   They were usually found on hammock lands near lakes or rivers where conditions were particularly favorable for their growth and in places where the Indians commonly maintained villages.   According to Harris (1875):

      The most extensive groves are on Orange Lake, in the northern part of Marion County.…There are several hundred acres of the finest wild orange grove around this lake that can be found anywhere.…The next largest groves are on Lakes Griffin and Harris in Sumpter County.   There are also fine wild groves on Lakes Weir, Bryant, Panasoffkee, Jessup, George, and Apopka, and on the Ocklawaha, Withlacoochee, St. Johns, Indian, and Halifax Rivers, and also in many other parts…there are wild orange trees in groves of from a few trees to several acres.

      Adams (1875) stated: "The natural trees grow from 12 to 15 feet in height—not very large, interspersed with oak, hickory, bay, et cetera."
      These wild groves were mainly of the sour and the bittersweet orange, but some of them along the Indian River were of sweet orange, and in places in the southern part of the state the Rough lemon and the lime were also found growing wild.
      The English Governor Grant in a proclamation dated at St. Augustine, October 7, 1763, stated: "Oranges, lemons, limes and other fruits grow spontaneously over the country" (Fowler, 1875).   Evidently, therefore, wild groves or wild trees were well known at that time.
      Bartram (1791) in his travels in Florida, during 1774, saw and described numerous wild orange groves.   In traveling down the St. Johns River in a small boat alone he sought high lands every night on which to camp and almost invariably found these locations to be wild orange groves interspersed with magnolia, oak, hickory, and bay trees.   These locations also frequently gave indications, by the presence of shell mounds, roadways, or otherwise, that they had been used as Indian campgrounds.   It would seem certain from such evidence that the Indians had recognized the value of oranges and in all likelihood had purposely scattered around their villages the seeds of fruits obtained from the white settlements.
      Bartram also mentioned the thriving town of New Smyrna "established by Mr. Turnbull on the Mosquito river" near the coast.   He wrote:

      I was there about ten years ago [this would thus be about 1764] when the surveyor ran the lines or precincts of the colony, where there was neither habitation nor cleared field.   It was then a famous orange grove, the upper or south promontory of a ridge, nearly half a mile wide, and stretching north about forty miles…All this ridge was then one entire orange grove, with live oaks, magnolias, palms, red bays and others.

      This grove was largely cleared by Turnbull and the land planted with indigo.
      When the senior author first visited New Smyrna in 1893, nothing remained of the early settlement but historic ruins.   Following the failure of Turnbull's enterprise, the entire site grew up to great live oaks, magnolias, and palmettos, which in 1893 presented the appearance of a primeval forest.   Here and there in the forest, however, one could trace the old drainage ditches, and find remains of the indigo vats constructed by Turnbull, mute evidence to his early enterprise.   By 1893, a railway had been built through the forest, the modern village of New Smyrna had developed, and here and there the second forest had been cleared and fine orange groves established.   Even as late as 1960, a few wild orange trees remained in the undeveloped sections of land cleared a second time.   Bartram (1791) expresses regret that several of the fine wild orange groves on the St. Johns River were being cleared to establish indigo plantations.
      Spread of Cultivation in Florida.—About 1809, a Spanish nobleman, Don Phillippe [sic], migrated to Florida and settled near what is now Safety Harbor in Pinellas County.   He is said to have brought seed of grapefruit and other plants and to have set out a small grove of grapefruit trees, which is supposed to have been the first planted in the state (Hume, 1926, p. 95).   Whence his seed of the grapefruit came, or the exact date of the planting, cannot now be determined.   It does not seem that the seed could have come from Spain or Europe, for the grapefruit was not known there until much later.   A citrus fruit grown in Jamaica in 1814 was known as the grapefruit, and perhaps Don Phillippe obtained his seed from that source.
      A. L. Duncan (1892), a pioneer grower of the same county, who named and introduced the Duncan grapefruit and no doubt carefully considered its origin, in 1892 stated that "Phillippe fifty years ago planted seed [of grapefruit] which came from Cuba."   As the Duncan grapefruit was a seedling from one of Phillippe's trees, it is probable that this statement about the origin of the seed and the date of planting of the Phillippe trees is approximately correct.
      Don Phillippe gave seed to his neighbors freely, and many of the old seedling grapefruit trees in Florida are supposed to have come from this source.   One of the grapefruit trees planted by him was still living in 1925, according to Hume (1926), and in January, 1932, the senior author examined a very old grapefruit tree on the original Phillippe place which, so far as he could learn, was one of the original trees planted.
      Two grapefruit trees in a neighbor's grove which were seedlings from the Phillippe trees became famous, one for its great size and the other as being the original seedling of the Duncan variety (fig. 1-5).
      Measured by the senior author and Dr. H. S. Fawcett in 1932, the trunk of the former tree one foot above the ground had a circumference of 95 inches and three feet above the ground a circumference of 66.5 inches.   The height and spread of the top were approximately 45 feet and 40 feet respectively.   In its full vigor the top doubtless much exceeded these measurements.   Hume (1926) stated that this tree had a branch spread of over 60 feet.
      Cession of Florida to the United States in 1821 Stimulated Industry.— The development of the commercial citrus industry in Florida may be said to have started with Spain's cession of the territory to the United States in 1821.   Preceding this time, although trees had been grown by the Spanish settlers at St. Augustine, Picolata, and elsewhere, and although many wild groves had developed, there had been no commercial industry.   Considerable progress, however, had been made by 1835, when a severe freeze greatly interrupted the development.   According to D. J. Browne (1857, p. 63):

      The number of trees owned by different individuals prior to 1835 varied from ten to fifteen hundred.   Perhaps no person in Florida had more than the latter number in full bearing condition at the time of the great frost, which occurred on the 9th of February, of that year.   There were many trees then to be found in St. Augustine which exceeded forty feet in height, with trunks from twenty to twenty-seven inches in diameter [63 to 85 inches in circumference], and which probably were more than a century old.…Previous to 1835 St. Augustine produced annually from two million to two million five hundred thousand oranges which were equal in bulk to about fifteen thousand barrels.   They were shipped to Charleston, Baltimore, New York, Boston, etc., and usually brought from one dollar to three dollars per hundred.

      Colonel F. L. Dancy (1875), a well-known pioneer orange grower, who was in Florida at the time of the great freeze of 1835, stated: "Trees a hundred years old were killed to the ground.…In the spring, however, the trees grew up from the roots, and in two years bore fruit once more."
      Famous Early Orange Groves.—After the cession of Florida to the United States, Zephaniah Kingsley, sugar planter, slaver, author, patriot, and alleged pirate, occupied Fort George Island at the mouth of the St. Johns River and in 1824 planted a three- or four-acre orange grove, which later became known as the Mays grove at Orange Mills.   At about the same time he also planted the Rembert grove on Drayton Island.   The trees were all sweet orange seedlings.   D. J. Browne (1857, p. 63) stated: "The late Mr. Kingsley left upwards of six thousand bearing trees in 1843, all of which are on the St. John's river.   During the 1890's, these were known as the oldest groves in Florida, the Mays grove being particularly famous.   Hubbard (1919) stated:

      There were three types of oranges in the original [Mays] grove, a round, full-colored orange not quite so fine flavor as Homosassa; a lighter-colored orange slightly flattened and not quite so sweet—an Azorean type; and a very sweet oblong orange known as the "Early Oblong" or "Sweet Seville."…it would seem that most of the sweet seedling orange trees of Florida were propagated from seed from the Mays and Rembert groves.

      Another grove famous in the early history of Florida was the D. D. Dummitt grove on Merritt Island, which according to Bass (1926), was, started about 1830.   If we may judge from the statements of old residents and from the fact that the oldest trees in the grove were on sour orange stocks budded from three to four feet high, Captain Dummitt first top-worked wild sour orange trees that were growing on the place (fig. 1-6).   All the oldest tree in the grove clearly showed the bud union.   The senior author testified that the stocks were sour orange, for he carefully examined sprouts from the stocks of several trees.   This was probably the first instance of the working over of a wild grove; the general practice of using such groves in this way did not start until about 1865 or 1870.   The sweet orange to which the Dummitt trees were budded was taken from a grove near New Smyrna, and was doubtless a wild sweet orange tree.   Bass stated that this was the beginning of the old "Indian River variety," which later became famous.
      Bass reported that about fifty of the original trees were living in 1926, but when the senior writer visited the grove in 1932 the number had been greatly reduced.   In 1967, only six of the original trees were still alive.
      The Speer grove at Sanford, planted in 1842; the Dancy grove at Orange Mills, planted in 1859; and the Hart grove at East Palatka, planted in 1859, were famous forerunners of the large plantings that followed in later years.
      The early groves were situated along rivers, for the only means of transportation was by boat, and the methods of handling and shipping were crude.   The advent of railways in the early 1860's provided a means of quick transportation to the principal northern cities, and from that time on the development of the industry was rapid.
      The early plantings were of seedlings propagated from certain choice trees, but soon (beginning about 1870) the best seedlings were named as varieties and propagated by budding or grafting.   For a number of years such native varieties were almost the only ones in use, but as the industry developed many foreign varieties were brought into the state.   Imported varieties began to be offered as early as 1875 by such nurserymen as A. J. Beach and Sons of Palatka, but native varieties, selected and named in the state, have continued to dominate in Florida plantings.
      Top-Working Wild Groves.—The top working of wild groves, which has been such an important factor in the development of the Florida industry, was started with the Dummitt grove in 1830 and was generally taken up between 1865 and 1870.   This practice was found so satisfactory and profitable that by 1892, when the senior author's study of the industry in Florida began, so far as could be learned there remained in the state only one unbudded wild grove, a small one, situated on the St. Johns River.   It is to be regretted that one of the old groves was not maintained as a national monument, but this phase in the refinement of our national life developed too late.   A few of the top-worked wild groves still remain, though most of them have been either severely injured or wiped out by cold (fig. 1-7).
      Grapefruit Industry Originated in Florida.—One of the outstanding aspects of the citrus industry in Florida has been the development of grapefruit growing on a commercial scale.   Elsewhere this fruit was considered to have no special value; it was grown only as a curiosity and allowed to rot on the ground.   Gradually the residents of Florida began to recognize that the fruit was refreshing and wholesome, and this knowledge was slowly passed on to tourists from the North.   The first fruit shipments were made to Philadelphia and New York some time between 1880 and 1885.   These are said to have netted the growers only about fifty cents per barrel, but soon the demand for the grapefruit became established and better prices were obtained.   This was the beginning of the commercial grapefruit industry, an industry which now has extended to all suitable citrus sections of the world.   (See also Chapter 4, this work.)
      California and Florida Industries Compared.—Although citrus growing on a commercial scale began to be developed at about the same time in both Florida and California, the industry in Florida, prior to the great freeze of 1894-95 (fig. 1-8), had made by far the more rapid progress (Webber, 1896).   The Florida crop of 1894-95, almost entirely destroyed by the record temperature drop of that winter, was estimated at over 6 million boxes, whereas the crop of California for the same year was only 1.6 million boxes.   Fourteen years passed before Florida again reached a production equaling the 1894-95 estimates.   Meanwhile California had advanced to an average production of approximately 15 million boxes per year by 1908-09.
      Despite additional severe freezes in 1889, 1905, and 1917, the Florida citrus industry moved further south and developed rapidly.   By the 1924-25 season, Florida's total production had advanced to slightly over 20 million boxes as compared to California's 24 million boxes.   More recent trends are indicated in Figure 1-9.   Some of the year-to-year fluctuations in production were caused by the severe freezes of December, 1934; January, 1940; December, 1957; February, 1958; and December, 1962.

The Spread of Citrus into Arizona
      It is interesting to note that the early historical records indicate that citrus fruits reached what is now the state of Arizona before settlements had been made in California, and that Arizona is thus an older citrus-growing section than California.   Father Eusebio Kino's manuscript describing the exploration and establishment of the early missions in Lower California, Sonora, and Arizona, which was translated by Professor Herbert E. Bolton (Kino, 1919) of the University of California, supplies definite evidence of the introduction of oranges into Arizona in the early days of the eighteenth century.
      The first mission established by Kino in Lower California in 1683 failed and was abandoned, but those established somewhat later in northern Sonora (Mexico) and in southern Arizona flourished and developed an extensive and prosperous agriculture.   In summarizing the conditions and the cultivations at the missions during the period from 1707 to 1710, Kino stated:

      There are many Castilian fruit trees such as fig trees, quinces, oranges, pomegranates, peaches, apricots, pear-trees, apples, mulberries, pecans, prickly pears, etc., with all sorts of garden stuff (Kino, 1919, vol. 2, p. 265).

      It seems certain from this statement that at the missions in Sonora and southern Arizona oranges were being successfully grown in the early days of the eighteenth century, and the date of Kino' s report, 1707, may be taken as approximately the date of the introduction of oranges into Arizona.   It is quite certain that no citrus trees reached Alta California prior to the establishment of the first mission in 1769.
      Citrus growing in Arizona, however, for approximately two centuries was limited to scattered plantings of only a few trees in yards here and there for home use.   It was not until the beginning of the twentieth century that small commercial groves began to appear.   In 1965, there were an estimated 40,000 acres of citrus plantings in the state.

The Spread of Citrus into California
      Establishment of Missions Extended Citrus Culture.—
If definite records exist indicating when the first citrus seeds or trees were brought to California and planted, they have not yet been brought to attention.
      In 1767, the Jesuits were expelled from the missions in Baja or Lower California, and their possessions were placed in charge of the Franciscans.   Owing to a dispute between the Franciscans and the Dominicans, a division of the property was made, and the Franciscans elected to develop the missions in Alta California.   In 1769, under the leadership of Fra Junípero Serra, they entered what is now California and founded the first of their missions at San Diego.   Twenty-one missions were ultimately established in the coastal section of the state, forming a chain extending northward as far as San Rafael.
      The missions necessarily were forced to produce their own foodstuffs, and all but three of them maintained gardens and orchards.   It is known that the Franciscans in beginning their settlement in Alta California got their supplies of seeds, plants, and domestic animals almost wholly from the missions in Baja California.   Hence, what was included in their cultivations depended at first upon the products in cultivation and available in the earlier settlements.
      Venegas (1757), writing in Mexico in 1739, mentioned the difficulty experienced in the successful cultivation of crops at the missions in Lower California owing to the lack of experienced gardeners.   "The latter requirement was supplied in the person of Ugarte," a trained gardener, so Venegas reported, "who brought to the peninsula almost every kind of fruit tree growing in New Spain."   Venegas also quoted Clavigero as having stated that the orange was among the fruits grown in the mission gardens at that time.
      Clavigero's manuscript (1852, p. 8), which was not published until 1789, contained the following statement with reference to foreign plants cultivated in Baja California:

      Not all of the plants and fruit trees taken to California from various parts of Mexico have grown.   In the few places where water is sufficient and the soil suitable for their respective cultivations, the following have prevailed: the olive, lemon, orange, peach, pomegranate, fig, apple, guava, yellow sapota, watermelon, muskmelon, pumpkin (also squash), date palms, wheat, corn, rice, and various kinds of vegetables.

      It seems clear from these statements that both oranges and lemons were cultivated in the mission gardens of Lower California prior to 1739, the year Venegas' manuscript was written.   By the time the Franciscan expedition which established the first California mission at San Diego in 1769 departed from the missions of Lower California, oranges and lemons must have been fruiting there, and it is very probable that orange and lemon seeds or plants were taken along, with grapes, olives, and other important products, for propagation in the prospective new settlements.
      Oranges Introduced into California in 1769.—Apparently, therefore, the date of the introduction of citrus fruits into California may properly and safely be considered as 1769, the date of the establishment of the first mission at San Diego.
      The first definite mention of the actual presence of citrus fruits in California was that made by Vancouver (1798, vol. 2, p. 494), who, on his famous voyage of discovery, visited Mission San Buenaventura (fig 1-10) on November 20, 1793.15   He stated:

      …yet the garden of Buena Ventura far exceeded anything of that description I had before met with in these regions, both in respect of the quality, quantity, and variety of its excellent productions, not only indigenous to the country but appertaining to the temperate as well as torrid zone; not one species having yet been seen or planted that had not flourished, and yielded its fruit in abundance and of excellent quality.   These have principally consisted of apples, pears, plumbs, figs, oranges, grapes, peaches, and pomegranates, together with the plantain, banana, cocoa nut, sugar cane, indigo, and a great variety of…kitchen herbs, plants and roots…Here also grew great quantities of the Indian fig, or prickly pear; but whether cultivated for its fruit only or for the cochineal I was not able to make myself thoroughly acquainted.

      Doubtless at this time orange trees of considerable age could have been seen at several of the missions in southern California.
      As late as the 1870's, Taliesin Evans, a newspaper reporter, found evidence of the orange trees that had once flourished at Mission San Diego, Mission San Buenaventura, and Mission San Luis Rey (Evans, 1874).   Evans, one of the earliest chroniclers of California citrus history, noted that the only living orange trees from the mission period were to be found at San Gabriel and at Old San Bernardino, where Mission San Gabriel established a rancho in 1819.   Unfortunately, Evans does not elaborate on the trees at Old San Bernardino, and he is our only known source for their existence.
      That other citrus species were also taken to California from the missions in Lower California is proven by a statement in Alfred Robinson's Life in California (1846, p. 44).   Robinson, who visited San Gabriel Mission in 1829, stated: "There are several extensive gardens attached to this mission, where may be found oranges, citrons, apples, pears, pomegranates, figs, and grapes in abundance."
      First Orange Grove Planted.—The first orange grove of any size to be set out in California was planted in the garden of San Gabriel Mission.   However, the early records of the California missions rarely mentioned fruits or products and the exact date that the orchard was established is unknown.   In 1884, William Spalding, a newspaper reporter, interviewed Father Joaquin Bot, the priest at the mission.   Spalding (1885, p. 7) quoted Father Bot as fixing the planting of the first orange orchard at about the year 1804.   Spalding attributed to Father Bot a statement that the distinction of planting this first orange grove in California belonged to Father Tomás Sánchez.
      However, there never was a Father Tomás Sánchez at any of the California missions, and it seems probable that Spalding was careless in his transcription of the interview.   Records of the San Gabriel Mission (Englehardt, 1927) show that the only Father Sánchez stationed at the mission about the time the grove was planted was Father Francisco Miguel Sánchez, whose death occurred in July, 1803.   Since Father Sánchez was in charge of Mission San Gabriel, he probably personally directed the planting of the first grove and at least a year or more earlier than reported by Spalding.
      According to Spalding, Father Bot believed that the trees were propagated from seeds brought from San Rafael in Lower California.   Spalding (1885, p. 7) added:

      Col. J. J. Warner our "oldest inhabitant," settled in Los Angeles County in 1831.   At the time of his coming the orange trees in the Mission garden were twenty-five or thirty years old, and had long been in bearing.   This agrees with Father Bot's calculation as to the time of their planting.

      In 1885, when the trees were approximately eighty-two or more years old, Spalding (1885, p. 9) had this to say regarding them:

      The original orchard of Father Tomás [sic] Sánchez, of blessed memory, still remains in the Mission garden at San Gabriel.   It is a decrepit old patriarch still lingering to witness the glory of its tribe.   The inclosure comprises about six acres, and it is probable that 400 trees constituted the original plantation.   Of this number less than thirty survive.   I wish that I could say that these trees, now more than 80 years old, remain in a fair state of preservation, but they do not.   Few of the trunks are sound.   Some of them appear half or two-thirds dead, and only a narrow margin of live bark and wood to keep vigor in the top.…One of the old trunks that I measured showed a girth of 42 inches near the ground.

      Some of the trees in this old orchard lived on for many years, but the last of them died of age and lack of care in the early years of the twentieth century.
      Early California Orange Groves.—While there are accounts of fruit trees such as pears, peaches, nectarines, apples, and pomegranates being cultivated on lands around Los Angeles, citrus orchards apparently did not become established outside the missions until after secularization in 1833.   The mission fathers seem to have prized citrus highly.   In 1877, Jose del Carmen Lugo (1950) of the San Bernardino rancho recalled that owners of fields could not obtain seeds of oranges and lemons from the missions, because the padres "refused to allow these fruits to be raised elsewhere than at their missions."
      In 1834, Jean Louis Vignes, a Frenchman, procured from Mission San Gabriel thirty-five large seedling sweet orange trees which he transplanted to his place on Aliso Street in Los Angeles, and this number was gradually increased until he was the possessor of a sizable grove.   This was the second orange orchard to be planted in California (Spalding, 1885, p. 7).
      According to Lelong (1902, p. 17), in the same year, 1834, a small planting was also made in Los Angeles by Manuel Requena.16   By this time the planting of a few citrus trees in gardens and courts for home use had become a common practice, but no groves had been planted to provide fruit for sale.
      Next came the famous planting of William Wolfskill, a Kentucky trapper of German descent who came overland to Los Angeles in 1831.   His first trees, seedling sweet oranges, were obtained from Mission San Gabriel and were set out in 1841 on a small tract on the site occupied later by the old Arcade passenger station of the Southern Pacific Railway.   Spalding (1885, p. 8) said that the orchard of William Wolfskill was no doubt the first to be planted in California with an eye to profit.   Since fruit from the Vignes grove was grown for home use and distribution among friends, Wolfskill's biographer, Iris Higbee Wilson, considers her subject to have been the founder of California's citrus industry (Wilson, 1965, p. 13).
      Wolfskill's neighbors ridiculed him and his idea of growing oranges for sale, but with German tenacity and patience he maintained his trees and gradually extended his plantings.   It was a hard struggle in the early years, but contrary to expectation the project paid, and the grove was gradually increased in size to twenty-eight acres and finally to approximately seventy acres.   In later life Wolfskill reaped a rich reward.   The last crop to be disposed of in his lifetime, from about twenty-eight acres of his grove, sold on the trees for $25,000.
      At about the same time, in the early 1840's, the planting was begun of a grove that later became famous as the Don Benito Wilson grove, situated several miles north of Mission San Gabriel and at one time a part of the mission property.
      While citrus culture was very slowly extending, the great advances being made in the development of the United States were paving the way for the introduction of the orange into commerce.
      After the secularization of the missions in the 1830's, the early fruit industry began to decline, and when General Frémont visited California in 1846 he wrote that "little remains of the orchards that were kept in high cultivation at the Missions."   Some of the early settlers who had foresight enough secured certain of the mission orchards and maintained them and were thus enabled later to reap a rich reward.
      Influence of Americanization and "Gold Rush."—After the planting of the Mission San Gabriel grove, the next great stimulus to the citrus industry came with the ceding of California to the United States.   This transaction followed the Mexican War (1846) and the conquest of California by the United States, and was ratified by treaty in 1848.   Almost immediately came the discovery of gold in the new territory, followed by the great "gold rush" of 1849, which swelled the population of California to undreamed of proportions and created a nearby lucrative market for all the fruit the existing groves could be made to produce.   This was the real birth of the commercial citrus industry in California.   The fruit could be shipped by ocean freight to San Francisco and thence by water up the Sacramento, American, and Feather rivers to points near the mines.   San Francisco became the great market for the industry and remained so for a period of three decades.
      Apparently, however, there was no great haste to take advantage of this opportunity.   It required too long to produce a bearing grove and the persons who were living in California were not commercially minded.   The people coming in by the thousands were seeking wealth through the metal gold and not through the golden fruits.   The reaction to the new conditions was therefore slow, but by providing potential market the stimulation that was needed to expand the industry was created.
      In 1852, Don Benito Wilson purchased the small orchard that thereafter was known as the "Don Benito Wilson grove" and began to extend the plantings.   In 1853, Mathew Keller began the planting of an orchard opposite the Wolfskill grove with seedlings grown from fruit obtained from Central America and Hawaii.
      In 1857, a small orchard was planted by L. Van Luven at Old San Bernardino with seedlings grown by himself and with other seedlings from Los Angeles.   In 1869, L. F. Cram set out a small grove of some two hundred seedling trees near Highland (Brown and Boyd, 1922, vol. 1, p. 73).   These last two orchards were important as marking the extension of experimental culture into the interior valleys, unless one accepts the curiously meager testimony of Evans (1874) that orange trees were grown at Old San Bernardino in the mission period.
      The Cram orchard remained for many years a show place, but gradually the trees became badly infested with scaly bark and were largely dug out in 1928.   One of the oldest trees in this planting remained until after World War II, but gradually deteriorated thereafter and was finally removed in 1961.   As far as can be learned, it was the oldest and largest citrus tree in California when removed.   Careful measurements of this tree made by the senior author in December, 1926, gave the following dimensions: height, 33 feet 5 inches; circumference, one foot above the ground, 59 1/2 inches; spread of branches, 30 feet (fig. 1-11).   When felled in 1961, the tree measured 39 feet in height.   The stump remaining in 1965 measured 25 inches in diameter two inches above ground level.
      In 1865, Myron H. Crafts set out a small orchard of some two hundred trees at Crafton.   By that time it may be said that the citrus industry in the interior valleys had become reasonably well established.
      Four years later, F. A. Kimball planted a small orchard of orange, lemon, and lime trees at National City in San Diego County, apparently the first grove planting in that section of the state.   According to Kimball (1897), there were at that time a few isolated trees near San Diego and in the San Luis Rey Valley.
      In 1867, according to the United States Department of Agriculture, there were in California 17,000 orange trees and 3,700 lemon trees, of which 15,000 orange trees and 2,300 lemon trees were in the Los Angeles region.
      Introduction of the Washington Navel Orange Stimulated Citrus Planting.—Riverside, a community that became famous in the early history of citrus culture because of the Washington navel orange, was founded by Judge J. W. North in 1870, and the first citrus seed and trees were planted in 1871.       The development of orange, lemon, and lime groves in the Riverside colony was very rapid between 1871 and 1880, and the names of Dr. K. D. Shugart, A. J. Twogood, J. C. Waite, Sam McCoy, Josiah Cover, G. W. Garcelon, S. L. Wright, and Judge E. G. Brown stand out as important pioneer growers.
      Here the Washington navel orange was introduced in 1873 and first fruited in 1878.   (See Chapter 4, this work.)   In a few years the variety had become so famous that citrus culture in California was greatly stimulated.
      A census of the citrus industry of Riverside in 1880 showed that there were growing in the community 17,038 orange trees, 3,199 lime trees, and 2,480 lemon trees.17   It was thought at the time that the lime was likely to be more successful as a commercial fruit than the lemon, and limes were planted in all the developing citrus sections of the state.   At this period Riverside contained the largest citrus plantings in the state other than those immediately around Los Angeles.
      The citrus trees planted during this period were largely seedlings grown from seeds taken from local trees, mainly from the orchard of Mission San Gabriel, or from special fruits shipped in from Mexico, Hawaii, and Tahiti.   Considerable activity was manifested, however, in obtaining good varieties.   Thomas A. Garey, who established a nursery at Los Angeles in 1865 and who was one of the most outstanding of the pioneer nurserymen of California, introduced a large number of varieties during the period from 1868 to 1875.   He is said to have received shipments of varieties and seed from Mexico, Central America, Australia, southern Europe, and Florida, and through such famous nurserymen as Elwanger and Barry, of Rochester, New York, and Thomas Rivers, of Sawbridgeworth, England.   His most outstanding orange importations were the Mediterranean Sweet and the Paperrind St. Michael, both of which were extensively planted in the early orchards.   He also named and introduced the Eureka lemon, which was from an exceptionally good seedling grown by C. R. Workman, a pioneer orange grower of Los Angeles (Garey, 1882).
      Extension of Citrus into Northern California.—Meanwhile citrus growing had been developing in the northern part of the state also.   In 1856, Judge Joseph Lewis purchased three sweet orange seedlings from Jesse Morrill in Sacramento, and these were planted in the vicinity of Oroville in Butte County (Webber, 1927a, 1927b, 1928).   One of these trees was planted at the west end of the famous suspension bridge at Bidwell's Bar and is still living and bearing large crops annually (fig. 1-12).   It has come to be known as the "Mother Orange Tree" and is now apparently the oldest and largest living orange tree in California.   In 1965, this tree was moved in good condition to a new site overlooking the Oroville Dam.   Measurements made by an official committee on November 27, 1926, gave the size of the tree as follows: height, 33 feet 6 inches; spread of top, 31 feet 5 inches; circumference of trunk one foot from the ground, 66 inches (Webber, 1927a, 1927b).   The success of these trees soon led to the planting of other trees in the vicinity.
      The visiting committee of the State Agricultural Society in 1858 (Transactions, p. 167) stated that they had found "oranges" and "citrons" in the ornamental garden of the venerable pioneer General John A. Sutter, on the bank of the Feather River; also orange trees at Marysville that had endured the winters for two years.   In the Transactions of the Society for 1872, the variety committee reported that they had found bearing orange and lemon trees in the garden of Judge Sexton at Oroville; a twelve-year-old orange tree in the garden of Mr. Glaucauf, likewise at Oroville, which had produced a crop of 400 fine oranges during the year; and a tree at Bidwell's Bar which had borne 1,500 fruits that year (the Mother Orange Tree when sixteen years old).
      The extent of citrus growing in northern California in the late 1870's is shown by the following statement by Hoag (1879):

      Marysville, Sacramento, and many other cities and towns from San Diego to Red Bluff have large numbers of orange trees now in bearing.   Contrary to general expectation the orange ripens from two weeks to one and one-half months earlier in nearly every locality north of San Francisco than in Los Angeles.

      In 1862, H. M. White planted two orange trees in Frasier Valley east of Porterville, Tulare County, which later formed the nucleus of a forty-acre orchard.   The first orchard in this section was the A. R. Henry orchard at Porterville, which was set out in 1883.
      It thus appears that by 1870 many individual trees and small orchards had been planted in all the principal citrus-growing regions of California, and the commercial industry, presently one of the most important horticultural industries of the state, could be considered as well established.   Before this time stress had been placed mainly on the production of fruits for home use only.   Fresh fruits were scarce and expensive; even a large share of the oranges consumed in the state were being imported.   In 1866, San Francisco, at that time much the largest city in California, imported some 3 million oranges from Mexico and the islands of the Pacific, whereas only 250,000 were received from the vicinity of Los Angeles.
      The rapid extension of fruit production in the late 1860's and the coming into bearing of many young orchards soon resulted in low prices, with no relief in sight.   In 1862, there were about 25,000 orange trees in the state, but by 1882 bearing trees had increased to over half a million (Butterfield, 1963).   Fruit industries languished and well-nigh perished.
      Completion of Transcontinental Railways.—The third great impetus to the extension of the citrus industry in California came in the late 1870's and early 1880's with the completion of three transcontinental railways: the Southern Pacific Valley Line in 1876, making connections with the Central Pacific and Union Pacific to the East; the southern line of the Southern Pacific to New Orleans in 1881; and the Santa Fe in 1885.   These railways provided competing carriers for eastern shipments and had an immediate effect on the industry.
      The first carload of fruit to be shipped east from California was from the famous Wolfskill orchard in Los Angeles and was sent to St. Louis in 1877.   It is said to have arrived in good condition, though it was a month in transit.   The freight charge on this car of three hundred boxes is said to have been $500.
      In 1881, the Southern Pacific, owing to the approach of competing lines, cut the rate on carload lots from Los Angeles to Chicago from $650 to $350, with similar reductions to intermediate points.   The first carload shipment from any point in the state other than Los Angeles was probably that made from San Bernardino by G. W. Garcelon and A. J. Twogood of Riverside in 1882.   This was a mixed car of oranges and lemons sent to Denver.
      According to Spalding (1922), the first special train loaded exclusively with oranges "left Los Angeles February 14, 1866, via the Southern Pacific and Union Pacific railways, consigned to some eastern point."
      By the following year, ventilated boxcars were carrying oranges across the continent to New York.   The refrigerated boxcar made its appearance in 1889.   A. T. Hatch, a pioneer in refrigeration, reported that merchants at first viewed the fruit dubiously and commented that it would "all fall to pieces and decay as soon as it was taken from the refrigerators."   In 1892, five carloads of fruit were shipped by the California Fruit Transportation Co. to New York and transferred to steamers for a fourteen-day voyage to Liverpool and London.   Great crowds attended the fruit sale in London, and out of the first shipment some samples were sent to Queen Victoria, who "pronounced them palatable."   (See Calif. State Board Hort., 1892, p. 330-31.)
      Railroad transportation to eastern markets played a significant role in stimulating expansion of the California citrus industry.   In 1908-09, over 15 million boxes of citrus were shipped east by rail.   In the 1924-25 season, California produced about 24 million boxes of citrus.   Subsequent trends in the growth of California's citrus industry are indicated in figure 1-9.   It will be noted that there was a decline in production after World War II, primarily resulting from urban encroachment on citrus orchard land in the Los Angeles basin.

The Spread of Citrus into Texas and Other States
      The Gulf States.—
In the other continental sections of the United States, where citrus fruits are now being grown commercially, the industry is of relatively recent origin.   Individual trees have for many years been grown in gardens in various sections of the states adjoining the Gulf of Mexico and even as far north as Charleston, South Carolina, but it is only within the last sixty years that important commercial plantings have appeared in any of these regions.
      In the 1880's, small commercial plantings were made in Louisiana, mainly in the Delta region below New Orleans.   In certain sections of the Gulf States, small plantings of the hardy satsuma orange were made as early as 1890, but these were largely killed by the freezes of 1894-95 and 1899.   Planting was gradually resumed, and the industry became rather widespread, particularly in the southern sections of Alabama and Louisiana and along the Gulf Coast section of Texas in the vicinity of Houston and Beaumont.   Then came the freeze of 1916-17, which destroyed thousands of acres of citrus groves in Alabama, Texas, and other Gulf States.
      In 1910, the United States census report gave for Texas a total of 833,406 citrus trees, which were mainly satsumas in the Houston and Beaumont districts, and in 1915 Webber (1929) reported the existence of a flourishing industry in those sections, even though an intensive fight for the control of citrus canker was in progress.   The freeze of 1916-17 destroyed most of these groves and by 1920 the census report showed only 123,951 citrus trees in the state.   Meanwhile, the industry had moved farther southward, and the trees reported were mainly in a new section, the lower Rio Grande Valley.
      Commercial plantings in the lower Rio Grande Valley of Texas were begun about 1910.   These expanded very rapidly so that there existed a total of about 116,000 bearing acres in 1948 that produced over 28 million boxes of citrus in the 1947-48 season.   A series of devastating freezes in January, 1949, in December, 1950, and in January, 1951 eliminated about three-fourths of the total acreage and reduced production in the 1951-52 season to about one-half million boxes.   By the 1960-61 season, production had recovered to more than 10 million boxes, but other very severe freezes in January, 1962 and January, 1963 reduced production in the 1962-63 season to a few per cent of the 1960-61 level (see fig. 1-9).   In spite of these discouraging setbacks, the industry was again being replanted in 1965 on a modest scale and a 3 million box crop was estimated.
      The plantings of satsuma in the other Gulf States, mainly Alabama, Louisiana, and northern Florida, totalled [sic] about 12,000 acres in the early 1940's, but a series of severe freezes in the two decades following World War II all but eliminated these plantings.   The only commercial citrus remaining (about 2,000 acres) is in the delta area south of New Orleans in Louisiana, most of which was non-bearing in 1965, having been replanted after the freezes of 1961 and 1962.
      Hawaii and Puerto Rico.—The orange was introduced into Hawaii in 1792 by Captain George Vancouver, and other kinds of citrus have been cultivated in the fiftieth state for more than a century.   Production of citrus for export reached a peak during the period from 1840 to 1870, and since that time citrus plantings have declined because of the development of the more remunerative sugar, coffee, and livestock industries (Pope, 1934).
      Many of the early citrus varieties planted in California in the 1850's were imported from Hawaii.   For several decades in the nineteenth century, oranges were a leading export product from the Kona District on the island of Hawaii.   Citrus is still grown in a number of localities of Hawaii for domestic consumption, but total production in 1961 amounted to only 19,400 boxes.   Over 90 per cent of the 14 million pounds of fresh citrus consumed in Hawaii in 1961 was shipped from the mainland.   Some excellent citrus studies have been published by the Hawaii Agricultural Experiment Station, situated at Honolulu.
      Citrus was introduced into Puerto Rico by Spanish explorers and settlers very early in its history.   Prior to World War II, Puerto Rico produced considerable quantities of grapefruit for export to the United States.   Grapefruit exports reached a peak of 672,000 boxes annually in the 1927-31 period, and total citrus production was in excess of 2 million boxes.
      Puerto Rico now produces citrus primarily for domestic use.   Total production of the self-governing commonwealth in 1961-62 consisted of about l million boxes of oranges and less than 400,000 boxes of grapefruit (see chap. 2, table 2-1, pp. 42-43 [text version, Revised Ed.]).

      Prior to the nineteenth century, horticultural techniques and methods of disease control in citrus culture were left largely to the orchardist, whose knowledge had been handed down from a remote past.   The orchardist might apply surprisingly sophisticated techniques in propagation (fig. 1-13) or frost protection (crude smudging was practiced for hundreds of years in parts of Europe) and yet in ensuring good crops still rely chiefly on magic and superstition (Coit, 1915; Fawcett, 1936).
      Even an educated citrus grower of the seventeenth century, acting on information from Ferrari (1646), might have solved his tree disease problems by "burying a dead dog near the roots."   Nor would a later grower have been likely to learn anything useful from the early recognition and depiction of citrus pests (fig. 1-14) in Volckamer's Nürnbergische Hesperides (1708-14).   In 1719, a puzzled Leeuwenhoek first observed two embryos in orange seeds, but it wasn't until 1878 in Germany that Strasburger industriously followed up this clue to formulate the theory of polyembryony.
      The systematic study of citrus occurred earliest in the field of botany.   Ferrari (1646), Jonstonus (1662), and Volckamer (1708-14) paved the way by illustrating and describing many citrus varieties in their works.   Then, following Linnaeus' development of a classification system, scientific botanical research was swept along by the collecting fervor of the eighteenth and early nineteenth century botanical explorers.   The first comprehensive account of the orange subfamily was published by Augustin P. de Candolle in 1824.
      Other areas of scientific citrus research and horticultural experimentation did not receive their impetus until the mid-nineteenth century, however, and prior to that time only chance discoveries were made and disconnected investigations pursued.   Notable advances in such fields as citrus pathology had to await the death-blow that was given the theory of spontaneous generation by Tyndall and Cohn in 1830 and the growth of a commercial citrus industry of economic importance (Fawcett, 1936, 1941).
      The active period in plant-disease investigations began about 1880 after Burrill (1878) proved for the first time that bacteria could be a cause of plant diseases.   The accidental discovery of the Bordeaux mixture in France by Millardet in 1882 touched off activity in spraying for plant diseases and what one botanist referred to as the "squirt-gun period" of plant pathology.   In Italy, G. Izenga as early as 1864, Penzig in 1882, and Savastano beginning about 1884 were publishing descriptions of citrus diseases and fungi (Fawcett, 1936, 1941).
      But it was inevitable that crop-oriented research would gather momentum in the United States, where in Florida and California two gigantic commercial industries began developing in the 1870's and 1880's, stimulated by the advent of the transcontinental railroads.   A pioneer period of citrus research blossomed—an era characterized by the enthusiastic cross-pollination of ideas among research scientists of the universities and U.S. Department of Agriculture, members of horticultural societies and state boards of agriculture, enterprising nurserymen, and a learned breed of growers, who often pioneered experiments in their own orchards.
      Although the Florida industry was older, experimentation had its headstart in California, where as early as 1858 the State Agricultural Society revealed an interest in citrus problems (Anonymous, 1858).   Sometime around 1869, cottony-cushion scale was imported to California on Australian acacia trees and within a decade was spreading through orchards and threatening to doom the young industry.   Two years after the establishment of the California State Board of Horticulture in 1883, the first American quarantines were being invoked at sea ports by W. J. Klee, state fruit inspector.   As the disease spread, D. W. Coquillet, an entomologist, set up one of the first citrus field laboratories on the Joseph Wolfskill ranch in 1886, where he privately conducted the first experiments with hydrocyanic gas fumigation (Wilson, 1965).   Klee carried out similar experiments for the state, and more successful endeavors in fumigation were conducted in 1887 by F. W. Morse of the University of California (Woodworth, 1915).
      The dramatic breakthrough of control on cottony-cushion scale came in 1889 when Albert Koebele of the U.S. Department of Agriculture returned from Australia with the Vedalia or ladybird beetle, a parasite of the scale.   Released in great numbers in California, the ladybird beetle was so successful in eradicating the pest as to provide one of the most spectacular demonstrations of biological control in agricultural history (Rasmussen, 1960).   The achievement focused attention of California and Florida growers on the benefits of agricultural research.
      California's citrus problems were magnified by its distance from the eastern markets, and it was there that the first totally cooperative citrus exchange, the Pachappa Orange Grower's Association, was established in 1892.   The growth of such cooperatives as the California Fruit Growers Exchange and the Florida Citrus Exchange in the late nineteenth century made possible orderly marketing, and the co-ops served as focal points for growers in lobbying for their needs, thereby further stimulating research on pressing cultural and shipping problems.
      Meanwhile in Florida, growers began working cooperatively after the organization of the Florida State Horticultural Society in 1888.   In 1889, the Florida Agricultural Experiment Station at the University of Florida was established with J. Kost as the first director.   By the 1890s, Dr. P. H. Rolfs of the experiment station and Dr. H. G. Hubbard of the U.S. Bureau of Entomology were studying scale insects in Florida orchards (Rolfs, 1935).
      Fresh from its triumph in California, the U.S. Department of Agriculture turned its attention to the problems of Florida citrus growers.   One of the most significant events in the industry's history was its establishment of the Subtropical Laboratory at Eustis, Florida, in 1892.   Here two young researchers, H. J. Webber and W. T. Swingle, for the first time studied and described such diseases as blight, dieback, foot rot, scab, melanose, psorosis, and others, making some progress in methods of control.   They performed pioneer work in citrus breeding and originated and named the first varieties of the important new hybrids known as tangelos and citranges.   They also first called attention to the possibility of controlling the white fly and certain scale insects by the use of parasitic fungi (Webber, 1937).
      The great Florida freeze of 1894-95 set that industry back many years (fig. 1-15) and resulted in the recall of Swingle and Webber to Washington, D.C., and the abandonment of their laboratory.   It also brought about increased interest in frost protection and one of the pioneer studies in this field was conducted in 1895 by the Riverside Horticultural Club and the U.S. Weather Bureau.   Numerous smudging devices were tested and the burning of coal in wire baskets was settled upon.   Although Charles Froude had introduced the first oil heater in the 1890's, it was not until after 1900 when oil became cheaper as a fuel that it was universally employed (Coit, 1915).
      By the start of the twentieth century, numerous scientists were pursuing investigations connected with citrus in the Mediterranean countries, South Africa, Japan, India, Australia—wherever citrus was grown commercially.   The economic importance of the crop was indicated by the development of unique institutions oriented toward citrus research such as the Florida State Citrus Experiment Station, Lake Alfred, founded in 1919; the Research Institute for Citrus and Subtropical Fruits, Nelspruit, South Africa, established in 1927; and the University of California's Citrus Experiment Station, now the Citrus Research Center and Agricultural Experiment Station.
      The Citrus Experiment Station was established in 1907 by the Regents of the University of California.   The institution consisted initially of a pathological laboratory in Whittier and an agricultural experiment station on the slopes of Mount Rubidoux in Riverside (fig. 1-16).   Dr. Ralph E. Smith served as head of both facilities.   In 1913, Dr. H. J. Webber became the first man to hold the title of director and began shaping the policies and selecting the staff that were to give the Citrus Experiment Station worldwide influence in citrus research.   Purchase of the present Riverside site made possible an enlarged citrus experiment station that combined both the Whittier and Mount Rubidoux staffs.   The first and main building was completed in 1918.   The broadening of its scope through the years led to the institution being renamed the Citrus Research Center and Agricultural Experiment Station in 1961 (fig. 1-17).   After more than a half century of distinguished service in the advancement of science and citrus technology, it continues to be the most prolific single center of research concerned with citrus problems.

      The writers have endeavored in the preceding sections to place the spread of the culture of citrus fruits in broad historical perspective, emphasizing the always interesting and sometimes romantic relation of citrus to the forward march of civilization.   In this final section, it appears appropriate to comment briefly on some of the more recent trends and the apparent forces behind them.
      Modern production trends in the principal citrus areas of the United States are indicated in figure 1-9.   The fluctuating but upward trend shown is fairly typical of several other leading citrus-growing countries.   Projections made in 1967 suggest that Florida's production alone—barring adverse weather—could exceed 225 million boxes, and total U.S. production could exceed 350 million boxes by 1970-1971.
      Beginning around the turn of this century, citrus culture entered a period of relatively rapid expansion in many parts of the world in response to an increasing market demand in the more advanced countries.   Some of the major driving forces behind this market expansion were increases in population, rising standards of living, and the improvement of worldwide communications resulting from the very rapid extension of railroad, automobile, air, and steamship transport systems.   Improved market quality due to the development of refrigerated ships, railroad cars, and trucks contributed strongly to a rise in per capita consumption in many countries.   Better citrus varieties and improvement in cultural, handling, and shipping methods also contributed greatly to reducing fruit costs and enhancing fruit appearance.   The discovery of Vitamin C and its importance in the human diet did much to change consumer attitudes toward citrus.   In the United States at least, widespread advertising, emphasizing the nutritional value of the high Vitamin C content of citrus, gradually changed the popular image of citrus from a luxury to a basic health food.
      The most spectacular and far-reaching technological change in recent citrus history is the development of frozen and hot-pack citrus juice concentrates, which began to be marketed in quantity about 1948.   These new products have had a worldwide impact on per capita consumption, although to date the Florida orange industry has experienced by far the greatest transformation as a result.
      The data summarized in figure 1-18 show that immediately prior to World War II only about 20 per cent of the Florida orange crop was processed, but that by 1963 almost 80 per cent was processed.   During the 1935-40 period, California processed about 12 per cent and Texas about 1 per cent of their orange production.   By the 1960-65 period, these states were processing about 28 and 32 per cent of the crops, respectively.
      Thus, the recent history of the United States orange industry provides an excellent example of the vital, indeed almost revolutionary, impact that research can have on an agricultural industry.   Currently, processing research in the citrus industry is proceeding at an accelerating tempo.   Without doubt, other new products—both natural and synthetic—will have a strong influence in molding the trends in world citrus plantings in the 1970's and 1980's.   Similarly, improved varieties and new production, harvesting, and handling technologies will have various impacts on the future industry.





1.   As given in this chapter, the early history of the introduction and spread of the different Citrus species into European countries has been derived largely from Georges Gallesio, Traité du Citrus (Paris, 1811), and S. Tolkowsky, Hesperides.   A History of the Culture and Use of Citrus Fruits (London, 1938).   Free use has been made of The Florida Agriculturist's translation of Gallesio, entitled Orange Culture.   A Treatise on the Citrus Family, by Georges Gallesio (Jacksonville, Florida, 1876).   References to authors cited by Gallesio and Tolkowsky may be obtained from their works.   Because of frequent reference to both authors, citation of the dates of their works is sometimes omitted after a series of references.

2.   James Legge, The Chinese Classics (London: Trübner…), Vol. III, Pt. I (1865), "The Shoo King," Pt. III, Bk. I, "The Tribute of Yu," chap. 6:44, pp. 111-112.

3.   Libre de vegetabilibus vi, tr. I, cap. xi, pp. 54-55.   Ausgabe von Jessen, pp. 362-63.

4.   The reference under "43" is to Sung Lueh Ssu…, T'ai peng hoan yu chin…, 161:3.   (Geography of the Chinese Empire, published in the Sung dynasty.)

5.   Given as twelve bottles in another place (Shiu, 1933, p. 277).

6.   Citrus historians have long been uncertain how much credence can be given Sloane's tale of the introduction of the shaddock to the West Indies.   Swingle (1943, p. 418) was unable to document the existence of "the elusive Captain Shaddock…whose name up to now has not been found in records of either government or private shipping."   Tolkowsky (1938, p. 266) also failed to uncover a record of the man for whom the fruit was supposedly named.   Immediately prior to publication of this volume, the junior authors succeeded in a search for the missing captain.   A brief reference to a Captain Chaddock (sic) making a trip from the Somers Islands (Bermudas) to Trinidad in 1642 was found in a letter from Richard Norwood to the Governor and Company of Adventurers to the Somers Islands in W. Noël Sainsbury (ed.), Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, 1574-1660, I, 323 (London, 1860).   This clue led to a Captain Thomas Chaddock (the spelling varies) who served as Governor of the Somers Islands from 1637 to 1641.   Further research will be needed to substantiate the Sloane legend.

7.   Letter directed to Vice-Chancellor Ascanio on November 1, 1943 (Decadas, I, 24).

8.   Díaz left Spain for the New World in 1514, going first to Nombre de Dios (Panama) and thence to Cuba.   He was with Cortéz throughout the conquest of Mexico.   His manuscript was written in 1568, and the Alonzo Remon edition was published in Madrid in 1632.

9.   Quoted from the English Translated Edition of Edward Grimston, 1604, edited with notes and introduction by Clements R. Markham (Hokluyt Society, London, 1880), Vol. 1, p. 265.

10.   In letter to Dr. H. S. Fawcett, dated July 13, 1937.

11.   "Narrativa epistolar," in Revista trimestra do Instituto Hist. e Geogr. Brasileiro, LXV (1902), 16.

12.   Cobo (1890-1895), II, 398.   Quoted from a free translation made in 1934 by Professor George W. Hendry of the College of Agriculture, University of California at Berkeley, California.

13.   Pedro Menéndez, marqués, a la Audiencia de Santo Domingo, San Agustín, 2 abril de 1579.   Translated in Jeanette Thurber Connor, Colonial Records of Spanish Florida, II, 227.

14.   Bartolomé Martínez al Rey, La Habana, 17 febrero de 1577.   Translated in Jeanette Thurber Connor, Colonial Records of Spanish Florida, I, 245.

15.   Rev. Maynard Geiger, O.F.M., the leading Franciscan authority on the California missions, in a letter to the editor, dated August 7, 1965, states: "I have no recollection of the mention of citrus fruits prior to the Vancouver reference of 1798."

16.   Former California Governor J. G. Downey (1874) dated planting of this grove after the Wolfskill planting.

17.   From data compiled by Albert S. White and printed in the Riverside Press and Horticulturist (see Brown and Boyd, 1922, Vol. 1, p. 512).